Aslan Maskhadov: biography, history and interesting facts. "I fought with Russia, but I never lost my dignity." (in memory of Aslan Maskhadov) Aslan Alievich Maskhadov son Anzor

Anzor Maskhadov: “Father did not want Chechens to kill Chechens.” The son of Aslan Maskhadov, chief of staff of the armed forces of unrecognized Ichkeria during the first Chechen war, president of Chechnya during the second, in an interview with The New Times spoke about what happened and who is to blame

Where were you when the first Chechen war began?

I was 24 years old then, and in the early days I was close to my father. But then, when the assault on Grozny began, I had to take my mother and sister to the village of Komsomolskoye, where it was safer. Then my friend and I tried to go to my father’s headquarters, which was located across the Sunzha River, not far from Minutka Square, but came under mortar and “hail” fire. Russian troops attacked the city block by block, not paying attention to whether there were civilians there or not. Realizing that we couldn’t get to our father’s headquarters, we picked up two Russian families and took them to Komsomolskoye. And in February 1999, I left for Malaysia, where I was going to study.

Soviet Army Colonel Aslan Maskhadov was born in 1951 in exile in Karaganda and served in Lithuania. In 1992 he came to Chechnya and during the first war he became the chief of the Main Staff of the Armed Forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (CRI). On January 27, 1997, he was elected president of the republic. In 1999, after the entry of Russian troops, he led the armed resistance. He was killed on March 8, 2005 in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt during a special operation by the Russian FSB. Anzor Maskhadov, together with his wife, children, mother and sister, now lives in one of the Scandinavian countries.

Remembering the events of the last 15 years, what do you consider the main mistake made, including by your father?

After the first war there was no unity. If it had been, events could have developed differently. And these Kadyrovs would not exist.

But then everyone had their own interests. War is over. Russian officials and oligarchs began to come to Chechnya with suitcases of dollars.

Emissaries from Arab countries also came. Easy money appeared. First, the Russian military took hostages, then sold them. The bodies of the dead were also sold. Our Chechens bought soldiers from Russian officers in order to rescue their relatives from captivity. Then they were exchanged. That's how the hostage business started. The names of those who were involved in the seizures and murders are known: Deniev, the Saidov brothers, Khultygov, Baysarov, Yamadayev, Khusiev, even the people of Kadyrov, today’s protege of the Kremlin in Chechnya. Everyone knows what these people did. But despite this, Russian officials at all levels meet with them. The Republic was pulled in different directions. In addition to Russia, there were also internal forces: Basayev, without becoming president, decided to become the imam of the Caucasus. Vakha Arsanov, * * Vice-President of Ichkeria, was killed on May 15, 2005 in Grozny. The leaders of the “jamaats” also wanted it.
Chechens are proud people. But now we need to put this pride aside and admit our mistakes. At least once. We must also talk about Dagestan. Explain why in 1999 the Chechens went to the aid of Dagestani groups. I mean Shamil Basayev and some of Doku Umarov’s people. They were then in opposition to their father.

Why didn’t your father dissociate himself from Basayev’s campaign in Dagestan in the fall of 1999?

He condemned these actions. But it was not Maskhadov who sent Basayev to Dagestan. Basayev did not hold any official position in CRI at that time. He went to Dagestan of his own free will. I am interested in other questions: why did Basayev return from there accompanied by Russian helicopters? Why was not a single shot fired at the convoy of cars returning from Dagestan? Why was the ring opened and the borders hastily opened? The people were for President Maskhadov then. But there were several thousand people on Basayev’s side. Among them were many who fought in the first war. They could only be stopped by war. A blood feud would begin. And off we go.

Was Aslan Maskhadov afraid of blood feud?

Yes. But not in relation to his family. He understood that everyone would be bound by this blood. He didn't want Chechens to kill Chechens. This is what is happening in Chechnya now. Kadyrov killed many of his enemies and non-enemies. People were tortured and mocked. And believe me, he will have to answer for this later. Relatives of those who were killed are still alive. They are alive, and many of them are biding their time.

Is your family also going to take revenge on those who killed your father?

No, I will do what I have to do, but using other methods...

Is it true that your father agreed to come to Beslan to negotiate with the terrorists who seized the school?

My father told me about this himself. I lived in Baku at that time, and all communication with my father passed through me. Akhmed Zakaev (Deputy Prime Minister of the ChRI - The New Times), who spoke about this with the President of North Ossetia Alexander Dzasokhov and Ruslan Aushev, contacted my father through me. Some politicians didn't believe it. But tell me, why then did they take all our relatives hostage and bring children, old people, women on the paternal and maternal lines to Khankala? They were kept in Khankala and released only after the assault.

Why didn’t Maskhadov come to Beslan?

How could he come if he was not given any guarantees of safety? This means that the release of the children was unprofitable for the Russian authorities, since they were not worried about the children who could be saved. My father was not far then, on the border of Chechnya and Ingushetia. But, denying my father security guarantees, the Kremlin gave the order to storm the school.

So you want to say that Maskhadov could have been captured on the way?

Yes. It would simply be suicide.

They say that shortly before his death, your father was ready to negotiate with Russia to end the second war?

I knew that negotiations were supposed to take place since the end of November 2004. On October 5, 2003, Akhmat Kadyrov was elected president of Chechnya, but Aslan Maskhadov continued to be considered the president of the Chechen Republic. The father took the first step when he made Shamil Basayev swear on the Koran that he would no longer be associated with hostage-taking.

And what happened next?

A truce was declared, and on January 14, 2005, Maskhadov signed a decree “On the unilateral suspension of offensive military operations throughout the CRI territory and beyond.” there were no shots, no sabotage from the Chechen side. And for those who wanted the war to continue, this was the strongest blow of all time. It was unacceptable for the Kremlin that the war against terrorists was suddenly stopped. Everywhere they began to say that it was the Chechens who put forward the peace initiative. Therefore, the hunt began for my father. He was identified by his mobile phone. Special equipment was delivered to the administration of the village of Tolstoy-Yurt. They wanted to time the murder of my father to coincide with March 8th.

Who killed him?

My father was killed by those who did not want to sign peace with Russia. First, my father announced a truce. Then Umar Khanbiev* * Aslan Maskhadov’s special representative in Europe, recently returned to Chechnya. had to negotiate with the Russian side and prepare the ground for a meeting of the two presidents in a third country.

Do you know how your father died?

Different versions are being put forward. Some say that my relative killed my father, others say that my father went to a meeting and was killed there. According to another version, he was allegedly killed somewhere in the Nozhai-Yurt region, and the body was transferred to Tolstoy-Yurt.

My father had actually been in Tolstoy-Yurt since October 2004, immediately after Beslan. In mid-November, he met there with Shamil Basayev and Abdul-Halim Sadulayev. Maskhadov's successor after his death, killed on July 17, 2006 in Argun. My father was tired of hostage-taking, which only brought us harm. He said: “We call our struggle jihad and should not fight against peaceful people.” Shamil objected to him: “No, we must do what they do to us. We were also taken hostage, people were used as human shields.” Sadulayev supported my father. Father told Shamil: “Here was Budennovsk, you went there. Yes, the war stopped, there were negotiations. But that was for a while. Then the negotiations were disrupted by the Russian side. It was an illusion of success. Then you organized “Nord-Ost”. People were killed there. You haven't achieved any results. Beslan: a school was seized. Children were killed. So what, are you going to go and take over the kindergarten now? Children will also be killed. Don't you understand who we are fighting with? There are thousands of enemies here in Russian uniform, and we must fight them.”

Did you get your father's body back?

No, they still haven't returned it. Immediately after the murder, we filed a case with the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. What can we say if they even refused to give us his personal belongings? Explaining their refusal, they accuse their father of everything: the so-called campaign against Dagestan, the murder of children in a Beslan school, the death of hostages in Nord-Ost. Those who knew my father are sure that he was not involved in anything like that, and glory to the Almighty

Do you feel safe in Europe?

Of course I'm careful. I know where the danger can come from. But I'm already used to it. I would prefer to live at home, in Chechnya, if it were possible. They offered me to return. Not only pro-Russian Chechens came to me with such conversations. The family was under pressure from representatives of the Russian special services. They literally ran after us, no matter where we lived: in the United Arab Emirates, in Turkey, in Azerbaijan. Now I don’t want to go back, because everyone in Chechnya knows me. I don't want to be shown on TV, to be used for something. But all political regimes change. And when this regime changes, I will be able to return home.

The material is also from 2007.

Two years have passed since the death of CRI President Aslan Maskhadov. Political scientists have different assessments of his role in the history of Chechnya and in Russian-Chechen relations. One thing is certain: until the end of his life, Maskhadov insisted on a peaceful resolution of the conflict, calling for all problems to be resolved at the negotiating table, and not on the battlefield. In any case, history will give the final assessment of his personality. How will the Chechen president remain in the memory of those close to him? We asked Aslan Maskhadov's son Anzor to tell about his father.

Anzor, when was the last time you saw your father?

I haven't seen my father since mid-1999. On his instructions, I had to go to Malaysia, where I spent more than two years. Since the war began, I couldn’t go back, although that’s exactly what I wanted. Then my mother and sister had to leave the republic, because they were already threatened by bandits of all stripes, Zavgaevites, Kadyrovites and the FSB. This is how our family ended up outside the republic.

Back in 1999, we did not know that Russia would once again come to us with war. If I had known, I would never have left for anything, and my father wouldn’t have allowed it. We parted in our house in Grozny. I remember how my father told his grandchildren: “Don’t worry, we’ll see you in six months.” We arrived in Malaysia, and after a while Russian aircraft began bombing villages on the territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, when the fighting was taking place on the territory of Dagestan. I managed to get through to my father and say that I want to come home and be with him. He said it would be difficult and it would be better to wait a while. The last time he tried to take me in was in 2004, but to no avail. So we never saw each other.

What is your most vivid memory of your father?

There are many of these moments; I’ll tell you about two memories. This was during the first Russian-Chechen campaign, as it is called. In that campaign, both during long marches and during encirclements, I was next to him. Then I was surprised when he stood up first and walked, leading his fighters behind him. The Chechen and Russian generals were completely different. Our leaders and commanders experienced everything that an ordinary soldier experienced. And it lifted our spirit. Finding himself completely surrounded by Shamanov’s group, which had tightly encircled the city of Shali, the father decided to break through the cordon. He decided to do this in order to save Shali from destruction. After all, Russian troops were eager to enter this city, which at that time had not yet been touched, not plundered, and to cleanse the third largest city of the republic. There was no other way out but to go through the enemy's cordon. We broke through this cordon, passing two hundred meters from the equipment and their units. The next day, when Shamanov learned that those Chechen units located in Shali had left, they say, he could not come to his senses for a long time. Another memorable incident was when my father went to the Nadterechny district in the summer of 1995, during negotiations. His motorcade was stopped at a checkpoint near the village of Znamenskoye. The major came up and began to say, well, this paper doesn’t have Maskhadov’s name on it and therefore I can’t let it pass... the father took these papers, slapped them in his face and said: “And you will show me on my land?”, sat down. into the car - and the escort passed this checkpoint.

What was he like in the family?

He was fair, both in politics and in war, and in life and with his family. He was an honest, straightforward, noble man. In the family he was sensitive, attentive and kind. He loved to talk about our people, traditions, culture, nobility, courage - he appreciated it. He was demanding of everyone, as well as himself. He was strict in the family. For example, as a child, if he told me to come home from the street at seven o’clock, then I would never dare to be a minute late. As soon as he came home from work in the evening, the first thing I had to do was tell him how things were going at school, what grade I received, and only after that he started his business. Most of the time he spent with us was devoted to education. We came home twice a year to visit our loved ones, when my father received leave. Within our family, we always communicated only in our native language, so that we, the children, would not forget it. My father talked about what our ancestors left and passed on to us. This is what he was taught, and this is what he taught us. Therefore, the most important thing that he wanted to pass on to us, his children, was the values ​​of the Chechen people. He advised us to read books that described the history of Chechnya and the entire Caucasus. Sometimes he himself spoke about the heroism of our ancestors.

What memories of your father do you keep from childhood, what episodes of your communication do you remember most?

I remember we came from Hungary to the village of Zeber-Yurt and my father took me fishing, I was six years old then. The day was very hot, we went into the water and fished with our hands. Then we poured water into a jar and put the fish in there, closing it with a lid in which we had previously made holes so that air could flow in. When we arrived home, he asked me to release the fish into the pond that was in our village. So I did.

How did your parents meet?

This was while my father was studying at the Tbilisi Artillery School in Georgia. The father returned home to Chechnya, to his parents. And already at home his relatives found him a bride from a neighboring village. This was the decision of the grandfather, who gave permission to his father to serve in the army only after marriage. Having already gotten married, my father and mother left for the distant Primorsky Territory, where I was born.

What are your earliest childhood memories, and to what period of life do they belong? Where did your family live then?

My first memories come from the time when we lived in the Primorsky Territory. I was about three years old, I remember how we went for a swim at Lake Khanka, which was located not far from where we lived. I remember playing in the sandbox with the neighbor children. Then we moved to Leningrad: my father entered the Military Academy. When he had free time, we always went for a walk around the city, then on a boat ride along the Neva, then to the Hermitage, and to other places in the city. Then we lived in Hungary, I was seven years old then. My father took me with him to military exercises. I remember there were many Chechens in his regiment, so I went with them, either to the barracks, then to the canteen, or to the shooting range. But the most pleasant thing for me was when I found out that my father had received leave and we were going home. I always missed my family and friends. When we came home, I took my cousins ​​with me, and we went fishing, into the forest or swimming on the Terek.

What do you remember from your father’s service in Lithuania?

I remembered the time when my grandfather died. We lived in Vilnius then. I remembered how my father was worried that he could not participate in his funeral. He arrived in Chechnya when his father had already been buried. The same thing happened during the “first war”, in 1995, when my grandmother died. At that time our family lived in Grozny. My father was in the mountains at that time and, of course, could not come to the funeral. We were taking her to bury her in the family cemetery, but at the first checkpoint they stopped us, openly threatening us with violence. We had to take her through another checkpoint, where they demanded money from us for travel to the cemetery. This is something I can never forget.

What was the army and military service like for your father?

He devoted his entire life to study: school, then the academy, and then service in the Soviet army. If we talk about the Russian army today, I can say that my father did not even call it an army. Since she, as her father said, completely decomposed, became demoralized and got out of the control of the generals. And it, today's Russian army, is not like the one that existed under the Soviet Union. My father devoted his entire life to military affairs. Wherever he served and whatever regiment he commanded, where Maskhadov was, there was order and discipline. There was no hazing at all in Maskhadov’s regiment. It even happened that the commanders of neighboring regiments were jealous of Maskhadov. But the moment came when this army began to kill its citizens, kill children with sapper shovels in Georgia, crush people with tanks in Baku, then in Lithuania, in Ingushetia. Maskhadov decided to resign so as not to be complicit in this barbarity.

How did A. Maskhadov decide to start working in the government structures of the Chechen Republic in the early 90s? What made him resign from the army and return to Chechnya?

During the tragic events in Lithuania, we lived in Vilnius. I remember the case when my father was ordered to lead an artillery regiment to suppress the Lithuanians who rebelled for their freedom. Then the father, realizing what this would lead to and how shameful it was, did not obey the order of the major general, saying that he would not go kill civilians. Then similar events began to develop in our republic; regiments were stationed around Chechnya, which, by order, were to commit aggression on the territory of our republic. My father retired from the army and returned home to give the entire arsenal of knowledge accumulated at the academy and in the Soviet army to the defense of the land of our ancestors. As he said: “When it’s difficult for your homeland, your people, you have no right to remain on the sidelines, indifferent. Especially if there is a war going on, and you are a military man by profession. In peacetime, a military man eats free bread, and if during a war he goes “into the bushes,” there is no forgiveness for him. We must all stand guard over the honor and dignity of our homeland, because the honor of the homeland is like the honor of a mother, sister, wife. When the homeland loses honor, all men, all people lose honor.”

As you know, you took part in the first war. Tell me about it.

As I remember today, my father came home from work in the evening and said: “Starting tomorrow you will be next to me.” And so from 1993 to 1999 I was next to him, as an accompanying, assistant.

In 1996 we lived in Grozny. I remember that every night our village was fired at from large-caliber machine guns and small arms from a nearby checkpoint. More than once we had to let them know that we are nearby and they can answer for all our actions. An interesting incident occurred in the center of Grozny. We decided to attack a group of contract soldiers in an infantry fighting vehicle and take trophies. We developed an operation, but the day before we suddenly heard this news. Three teenagers, about twelve years old, approached these contract soldiers and, pointing the already used Mukha grenade launcher at them, disarmed the contract soldiers, after which they successfully left the place. ...In May 1996, a “Bumblebee” flamethrower was fired at our house. Fortunately, the fired charge, although it touched the roof, did not explode. A day or two later we learned that bandits from the GRU group under the command of Kakiev were behind this act. After this incident, my mother went to her parents, and I again went to the mountains, to my father. And so on until the bitter end.

What predictions did your father have about the future of Ichkeria shortly before his tragic death?

Hope for peace. Until the end of his life, he was sure that no one would be able to conquer the Chechen spirit. Over the course of fifteen years of this barbaric war, which is waged without rules, Chechen fighters have proven that no one can conquer the people and bring them to their knees. Since the start of the war, Russian propagandists have been insisting that there is no unity in the ranks of the Chechen fighters, that Maskhadov almost went abroad, and that there are supposedly a hundred militants left who will be destroyed in a month or two. Much has been said about the fact that there is no one to negotiate with, and if the war is suspended, no one will listen to Maskhadov. They say Basayev and other commanders will not obey Maskhadov’s orders, since they only want to continue the war. But in February 2005, the Kremlin propagandists, these politicians and generals, got into trouble when the President of the ChRI Maskhadov, with one decree, unilaterally stopped military operations on the territory of the ChRI, and all commanders, including Basayev, obeyed this order. The Kremlin benefits from the war that it started, and it was not prepared for such a turn of events. A lot of news appeared on TV screens, reporting that military operations were taking place throughout the territory. It was funny to watch this nonsense. After all, a few days ago they stated that only a hundred militants remained in the mountains, and they would soon be destroyed. The father made an appeal. He emphasized that all units of the Armed Forces of the ChRI suspended hostilities, although there were provocations from Russian forces. He emphasized that he appealed to the instigator of this war, Putin, and demanded that he heed this call and sit down at the negotiating table. But the problem is that when the Chechens offer peace, the Kremlin considers this our weakness. Throughout this war, the Russian side was interested in the Chechen Resistance becoming radicalized, in order to announce to the world: look, so what, we kill civilians, wipe out their villages, but we kill radicals. Maskhadov gave his life without giving them a reason to say that he or his fighters were involved in any terrorist attack. Yes, he admitted that there are avengers who are difficult to stop, who obey Shamil Basayev. But for them, revenge is not the most important thing. Having taken hostages in “Nord-Ost” or somewhere else, they did not blow up the buildings, but demanded to stop the barbarity against the Chechen people, the murder of women, children, and the elderly. Desperate people demanded peace, and the insane gave orders for the assault, killing their own citizens. Understanding all this, taking into account the fact that the enemy against whom the Chechen people are fighting is merciless not only to the Chechens, but also to his own people, too, Maskhadov hoped only for the will of the Almighty. He knew, as we all know, that the death of Chechen old people, women or children is indifferent to the majority in this world. And Maskhadov’s forecast about the future of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is the forecast of our ancestors, who gave their lives for the right to live freely on their land. We say: “It’s better to die standing than to kneel all your life,” it doesn’t matter when, but what matters is how to live this life and how to die.

Did your father have any wishes for the children's future?

In our family, it so happened that everyone has the ability to draw, my father, mother, me and my sister. Even as a child, my father took me with him and drew towers, mountains... I remember we had such a conversation at home, my father and my mother, they decided then that after finishing school I would enter an art academy. But the war turned everything upside down, and I had to follow in my father’s footsteps, go through the war next to him, and after it ended, he told me to go to diplomatic school in Malaysia. The next war began, and I had, according to his instructions, to deal with more serious matters - to resist Russian propaganda, showing and telling the world what was happening to our people. He taught me this too.

What did Maskhadov respect and dislike more in people?

Cowardice, lies, betrayal - this is what he despised. Appreciated and loved - nobility, courage, valor, honesty and justice.

What is the most important thing you learned from your father?

Be patient and be fair.

What were the main personality traits of A. Maskhadov? What qualities helped him in life, and which, in your opinion, harmed him?

Those who knew him well have said enough about this. I know how much he loved his people, and not only his own, but others too. After all, look at his attitude even towards those who kill his people. He never insulted his opponent, although the other side shouted that the entire male population of Chechnya must be destroyed, even destroyed while still in the womb. He was a very reserved, patient and noble man. Therefore, he was always confident and lived this life with his head raised. Although there was deception, lies, injustice both on the part of those around him and on the part of his enemies. He believed people and forgave them mistakes, and this often turned against him. Lies and deceit from the people who stood next to him harmed him and the ideas and goals that he set for himself. But otherwise, neither I nor our people doubt his human purity, and he proved it. He always managed to find a compromise with everyone, even with his opponent, since he was a very patient and restrained person and knew what this conversation was worth - saving many lives.

Do you think you are continuing your father’s work, do you live up to his hopes?

I think and hope that I will always live up to his hopes. I will continue to follow my father's path. Thousands of Chechens, including my father, gave their lives along this path, and therefore I have no right not to complete this matter: to put an end to relations with my neighbor - Russia. So I set myself a goal that I must achieve. This is to do what my father gave his life for - to stand for the truth to the end. This is exactly what my father wanted me to do today.

ALL PHOTOS

Aslan Maskhadov's son Anzor is hiding in one of the European countries. He gave an interview to the weekly newspaper Sobesednik on condition of non-disclosure of his location. Perhaps he is in Germany.

Anzor Maskhadov came to an interview in a cafe in one of the European cities with his bodyguard. He said that he left Chechnya “even before the second war, at the beginning of 1999.” “I went to study in Malaysia. Then the war began. My father tried to take me home, but he couldn’t. How can I return home with my passport, where the name Maskhadov is written, through all these checkpoints? I wanted to enter the Islamic University. But To do this, you had to know English well, and I learned the language. And then I left Malaysia for the Emirates, Turkey, then to Baku," Maskhadov said.

“I still receive strange calls - with threats, provocations. Recently they called from Chechnya and demanded that our family return home. They even promised to meet us at the Dagestan border. But it is known what will happen next, I know these methods,” said Maskhadov’s son .

“For me now the main thing is to take and bury my father’s body. We even turned to Alexy II so that he would help - after all, it is necessary to bury a person according to any religion. We will sue for the release of my father’s body to the end. Although we understand that most likely it will not be given back . We were told: because he is a symbol of resistance, people will gather at his grave. But it is not customary for us to gather crowds at graves, only relatives go. If I could bury him, I wouldn’t even tell anyone where. I’m afraid They will dig it up. There have been many such cases. My uncle died - and only we know where he is buried. And the Russian side is still looking for his body," Maskhadov said.

Anzor Maskhadov explained why he does not want to return to Chechnya. “When we corresponded with the Prosecutor General’s Office about my father’s body, Ustinov said that they personally had no complaints against me. But I’m sure that as soon as I return, they will attribute something. They will make a loud show trial out of this,” says Maskhadov’s son .

He provided details of how his father was hiding in Chechnya. “He lived in Gudermes in 2003, not far from Kadyrov’s house. I also have photographs. When this became known, Kadyrov went mad. My father wrote to me: “You know, Anzor, if you knew where I am... 2-3 meters of armored personnel carriers passing by,” said Maskhadov’s son.

He also admitted that he feels sorry for the Prime Minister of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov. “I feel sorry for him that he chose this path. God is the judge of everyone. He can be killed like Kadyrov Sr. Perhaps even by his own,” said Anzor Maskhadov.

Up to 10 thousand militants and refugees from Chechnya live in Azerbaijan

Currently, 4-10 thousand Chechens live in the capital of Azerbaijan, Baku. For a long time, the widow of the first Chechen president, Alla Dudayeva, rented an expensive room at the Absheron Hotel on the luxury 8th floor. The 4th floor was entirely occupied by the residence of Khozh-Akhmed Nukhaev. Here, Forbes editor Paul Klebnikov had long conversations with Nukhaev, which later became the book “Conversations with a Barbarian.”

“Now living in Baku are Maskhadov’s family, Basayev’s mother and second wife, and several brigadier generals on vacation,” said Eynulla Fetullayev, editor-in-chief of the opposition newspaper Real Azerbaijan. At one time, he wrote chronicles of the Chechen underground, notes Sobesednik.

The “Chechen” house is located on a “five-story building” (a district in Baku), next to the park. Foreign journalists love to photograph this building. A Chechen house in Azerbaijan seems very “Russian” to them - satellite dishes and lines with laundry to dry are alternately hung along the facade.

“In the park next door, only Chechens used to gather. They differ from us, Azerbaijanis, both in appearance and in the way they dress, and their women tie their headscarves differently. We immediately recognize them. Although now they don’t stick out themselves like that anymore.” , Fetullaev said.

In Baku they don’t play up well-known names in Chechnya. This is dangerous fame. Salman Raduev’s brother was beaten with rebar, his body was stuffed into the trunk of a car and thrown into the Wolf Gate cliff. It turned out to be an expensive murder. The investigation insists on the version that Raduev’s brother quarreled with his accomplices in several major kidnappings in Azerbaijan.

Several years ago, groups from the Russian special services came to Baku, shot Chechens associated with the resistance, and then left. The most famous of the dead is Vakha Ibragimov, Maskhadov's ambassador to Afghanistan and then press secretary of Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev, and at the end of his life - a Baku businessman.

“Basayev’s mother moved to Turkey a long time ago, and his second wife Kameta divorced him when he brought his fourth or fifth wife into the house. She said: “I’m not your toy!” She rented an apartment right above mine, and then left Azerbaijan. I told her: “Don’t leave your address and phone number, I don’t want to know this, they can take me away at any moment,” said one of the Chechens, who gave his name as Musa.

He also said that he was a Sharia court judge in one of the regions of Chechnya and fled after Kadyrov came to power.

In the summer of 2006, Ramzan Kadyrov sent Magomed Khambiyev, Maskhadov's defense minister, to Baku, who, according to rumors, defected to Kadyrov after his relatives were taken hostage. Khambiev was supposed to carry out in Baku the favorite demonstrative action of the Russian and Chechen authorities - “amnesty for surrendered militants.”

“It’s nonsense that I came to Baku secretly and with security,” said Magomed Khambiev. “I just didn’t seek meetings with the leaders of the so-called resistance movement. Contact would not have worked - they are under powerful armed guard. I met with ordinary refugees. They They set a condition for me to return my relatives to Chechnya first. I took my brother’s wife and her children from Baku. But at the border I was detained, humiliated and insulted by Russian border guards. I realized that Russia did not need the return of the Chechens. And I abandoned my plans to go with the same mission to Turkey, Germany, Belgium. And my relatives went back to Baku."

The territory of the Chechen Republic fell to its self-proclaimed president Aslan Maskhadov devastated. History claims that the troubles that befell the Chechen people did not happen without the participation of this politician. Maskhadov and his duet caused a lot of grief to the Russians: it is believed that he was involved in the terrorist attacks on Dubrovka and Beslan. However, the figure was never officially recognized as a terrorist.

Childhood and youth

Aslan Alievich Maskhadov was born on September 21, 1951 in the village of Shokai, Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic, into a family of deported Chechens. In addition to Aslan, the parents raised 5 children - sons Lechu, Aslambek and Lema, daughters Bucha and Zhovzan.

Aslan Maskhadov with his parents and grandmother

In 1957, after the restoration of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, the Maskhadovs returned to their native land and settled in the village of Zebir-Yurt in the Nadterechny region. Here, in 1968, Aslan received a diploma of secondary education.

Aslan Maskhadov wanted to become a military man in order to help his fatherland cope with external aggressors. For this reason, in 1969, the young man entered the Tbilisi Higher Artillery Command School, and in 1972, after receiving his diploma, he went to serve in the Far Eastern Military District. Over the course of 6 years of service, he rapidly moved up the career ladder, rising to the rank of deputy commander of an artillery battalion.

The Order “For Service to the Motherland in the Armed Forces of the USSR” received in the army helped Aslan enter the Leningrad Mikhailovsky Military Artillery Academy out of competition in 1978. In an interview with the Komsomolskaya Pravda newspaper, Maskhadov’s classmate described him as follows:

“I didn’t aspire to become a commander. He was not a zealous Muslim and did not read the Koran. Loved to drink."

Graduated from Aslan Academy with honors. Memories of colleagues and classmates about Maskhadov make up the book “Honor is more valuable than life.” The collection, in addition to articles and letters, includes photographs from family and military archives.

Military service and government activities

Even in his youth, Maskhadov aspired to leadership. The artillery regiment under his command in Hungary was repeatedly awarded the Red Banner of the Military Council for conscientious service. Tactical and combat skills allowed him to rise to the rank of colonel by 1992.

With the collapse of the USSR, the situation between the once friendly republics worsened. Newly formed states and republics that failed to secede from Russia fought for territories. One of the largest conflicts was the Chechen wars.

In 1992, the first self-proclaimed president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (CRI), appointed Maskhadov head of the civil defense of Chechnya. During the first Chechen war of 1994-1996, Maskhadov became the chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the ChRI. It was his orders that the militants obeyed when entering battles with Russian troops; the battles for Grozny were fought according to his strategies in 1996.

In 1995, the prosecutor's office of the Russian Federation accused Maskhadov of abuse of office, treason and banditry, which was punishable by death. The military leader was put on the wanted list.

Despite the looming threat of imprisonment or even death, in November 1996 Maskhadov announced his intention to run for president of the republic. His opponent in the election race was terrorist Shamil Basayev. In January 1997, Maskhadov was elected head of the CRI by a majority vote (59.3%). Six months later, Shamil Basayev was appointed his “Prime Minister”.

Under Maskhadov, the internal political situation in Chechnya deteriorated significantly. People lived in destroyed cities and villages, without sewerage, electricity or water supply. There was no medical assistance. Due to poor quality products and unsanitary conditions, the republic was mired in disease. Hunger was rampant. Windows and doors were boarded up in kindergartens, schools and universities. Those who had money left to move fled from Chechnya.

The crime rate in the republic has reached a critical limit. Every day people were kidnapped, explosions thundered, fires blazed. Drugs were openly sold, counterfeit bills were circulated, and radical Islam was actively promoted.

Chechen militants carried out armed raids on neighboring Russian regions and recruited young Muslims into their ranks. In the republics of the North Caucasus, for example, Dagestan, Karachay-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria, there was active propaganda of the ideas of separatism and anti-Semitism.

In other words, Maskhadov’s internal policy was aimed at destabilizing Chechen society and inciting hatred against the federal authorities. Thus, the slogan was broadcast on the Kavkaz TV channel:

“We have no equal. We will sweep away everything.
Hold on, Russia - we are coming!

By 1998, the situation was out of Maskhadov’s control: opposition militant groups appeared in the CRI. The largest groups were led by one of the most famous representatives of Chechen terrorists, and his associates Shamil Basayev and Amir ibn al-Khattab.

Maskhadov turned to Russia for help in the fight against crime. The state intervened when Basayev and Khattab invaded Dagestan in August 1999. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation sent a letter to the President of the Chechen Republic with a proposal to develop a comprehensive approach to eliminating the militants, but he remained aloof from the armed conflict.

When the threat of a second military campaign loomed over the republic, Maskhadov acted with all available methods. He sought support from the leaders of Ingushetia and North Ossetia, accused Russia of worsening the situation in Chechnya, and at the same time declared his intention to become “the most important strategic partner in the North Caucasus” for the state.

Aslan asked for a personal meeting with the Russian Prime Minister, but he decided to immediately launch an operation to eliminate the militants. Federal troops entered the territory of Chechnya on September 30, 1999. The President of the Republic, who had previously sought help in the fight against terrorists, teamed up with the militants of Basayev and Khattab for a war with Russia.

People from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Turkey and al-Qaeda fought on Maskhadov’s side. Aslan Maskhadov personally led military operations. On October 23, 2002, 916 people were captured in the theater center of Moscow. As a result of the three-day imprisonment and liberation operation, 130 people died. Shamil Basayev took responsibility for what happened.

One of the militants who took part in holding the hostages said that Maskhadov had a hand in preparing the terrorist attack. The President of the Chechen Republic himself denied his involvement and threatened to remove Basayev from his positions as punishment, but did not take concrete action.

On September 1, 2004, the largest terrorist attack in the history of modern Russia occurred: 1,128 people, mostly students from school No. 1 in Beslan, were taken hostage. 314 people, including 186 children, died in this tragedy. Shamil Basayev again claimed responsibility for the attack. On September 17 of the same year, Russia announced that it had evidence of Aslan Maskhadov’s involvement in the terrorist attack. In 2006, North Ossetia named him as one of the masterminds of the attack.

Personal life

Unlike his political career, Aslan Maskhadov’s personal life is not so controversial. In 1972, he married Kusama Yazedovna Semieva. 7 years later, their first child was born - son Anzor, and in 1981 - daughter Fatima.

It is assumed that in 2002, Aslan entered into a second marriage with a native of the village of Iskhoi-Yurt, but there is no reliable information about this.

Death

After the terrorist attack in Beslan, the Russian FSB offered a reward of 300 million rubles for information that would help eliminate Basayev and the self-proclaimed president of the Chechen Republic. In November 2004, the authorities announced the launch of a special operation to capture the terrorists. Aslan Maskhadov died on March 8, 2005 in the Chechen village of Tolstoy-Yurt. There are several versions of the death of the president of the unrecognized Chechnya.

According to official information, on March 8, Maskhadov and his associates planned to blow up the village administration building. On the day of the terrorist attack, the activist was hiding in the basement of the house of his distant relative, where he was discovered by the security services. Explosives were used to capture the state criminal. It is assumed that Maskhadov died from barotrauma.

Later, a gunshot wound was found on Aslan’s body, which became fatal. The results of a ballistic examination showed that the bullet was fired from a Makarov pistol, which belonged to Maskhadov’s nephew and bodyguard Viskhan Khadzhimuratov.

At the trial, the bodyguard was confused in his testimony. One day he confessed to what he had done, citing his uncle’s request to kill him,

“if he is wounded and they try to take him prisoner. He said that if he was captured, he would be bullied like Saddam Hussein.”

According to other testimony, Viskhan lost his creature from the explosion, and when he woke up, Maskhadov had already been killed. The current head of Chechnya suggested that the Russian special services wanted to take the state criminal alive, but

“The guard, apparently making a sudden movement, spontaneously fired.”

Documentary film about Aslan Maskhadov “Illusion”

After the liquidation of Maskhadov, the FSB paid $10 million to an anonymous informant who indicated the time and place of Aslan’s stay. However, his son Anzor told the press that his father independently revealed his location through frequent telephone conversations. The same assumptions were made by Shamil Basayev.

All versions of the death of the Chechen politician, as well as the biographies of those who, side by side with Maskhadov, gradually destroyed the Chechen Republic, are covered in the documentary film “Illusion” (2017).

Maskhadov Aslan Alievich is one of the most controversial personalities of modern history. Some people consider him a hero of the Chechen people, others - a terrorist. Who exactly was Aslan Maskhadov? The biography of this historical figure will become the subject of our study.

Childhood and youth

Maskhadov Aslan Alievich was born in the fall of 1951 in a small village on the territory of the Kazakh SSR, where his parents were deported at one time. His family came from the Alleroy teip.

In 1957, with the beginning of the thaw, the rehabilitation of the deportees took place, allowing Aslan and his parents to return to the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. There they lived in one of the villages of the Nadterchensky district.

In 1966, Aslan Maskhadov joined the Komsomol, and two years later he completed his studies at the secondary school of his village. In 1972 he graduated from a military school in Tbilisi, which specialized in training personnel for artillery. After that, he served in the army for five years in the Far East, where he rose to the position of deputy division commander. At the same time, he was accepted into the ranks of the CPSU.

In 1981, having shown excellent results in his studies, he graduated from the Military Artillery Academy, located in Leningrad.

After graduation, he was sent to Hungary, where he rose to the position of commander of an artillery regiment.

At the turn of the era

In 1986, as a regiment commander and with the rank of colonel, Aslan Maskhadov was sent to Lithuania. During his command of the unit, it was repeatedly recognized as the best in the Baltic states. He himself was appointed chief of staff of the missile forces.

At this time, processes were taking place in the country that in the near future led to the collapse of the USSR and a change in the social system. Centrifugal tendencies began to appear in the Baltic states before other republics. However, before active protests and the use of armed forces against them began, Maskhadov was recalled, although his unit took part in actions against the rebels.

In 1992, he resigned from the Russian Armed Forces. Some experts believe that this decision was primarily dictated by his disagreements with the top military authorities, others - by the aggravation on the Chechen-Ingush border.

First Chechen

After his resignation, Aslan Maskhadov headed to the capital of Chechnya, Grozny. There, at that time, Dzhokhar Dudayev had already come to power, proclaiming independent Ichkeria (CRI). Immediately upon his arrival, Maskhadov was appointed by him as the head of Civil Defense, and then as the chief of staff of the armed forces.

In 1994, the so-called First Chechen War began. Aslan Maskhadov successfully led the defense of Grozny, for which he received the rank of division general from Dudayev. Afterwards, under his leadership, a number of successful operations were carried out, in particular the capture of Grozny after the city was occupied by Russian troops.

In Russia, a criminal case was opened against Maskhadov as the creator of an illegal armed group, which, however, did not prevent him from negotiating with the Russian authorities.

In 1996, during a special operation, Dzhokhar Dudayev was killed, but this did not prevent the successful actions of Chechen militants against the Russian army.

In 1996, agreements were reached between the Russian government and representatives of the self-proclaimed Ichkeria. The signing of peace agreements took place in the Dagestan city of Khasavyurt. On behalf of the ChRI, the agreement was signed by Aslan Alievich Maskhadov. The history of the Chechen conflict, it would seem, was over. These agreements envisaged the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of Chechnya, an agreement on the election of a new president of Ichkeria, as well as the postponement of the issue of deciding the future fate of the ChRI status until 2001. This is how the First Chechen War ended.

Presidential position

After the signing of the Khasavyurt agreements before the presidential elections, etc. O. Aslan Maskhadov became the President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and became both Prime Minister and Minister of Defense.

In January 1997, presidential elections were held, in which Aslan Maskhadov won, ahead of Shamil Basayev and Zelimkhan Yandarbiev.

Initially, Maskhadov tried to build an independent Chechen state on the democratic principles of civil society. But his position was too weak. On the contrary, Islamic extremists, field commanders and leaders of various gangs began to acquire increasing power in Chechnya.

Maskhadov, by and large, was not a politician, but a military man. He was forced to maneuver between these groups and make concessions to them. This led to further radicalization, Islamization and criminalization of Chechen society. Sharia laws were introduced in CRI, the republic was flooded with foreign extremists, field commanders began to show increasing disobedience to the government of Ichkeria.

Second Chechen

The result of this situation was that in 1999, field commanders Shamil Basayev and Khattab arbitrarily, without the sanctions of the president and government of the ChRI, invaded the territory of Dagestan. Thus began the Second Chechen War.

Although Maskhadov publicly condemned the actions of Basayev, Khattab and other field commanders, he could not really control them. Therefore, the Russian leadership, after knocking out the militants from the territory of Dagestan, decided to carry out an operation to completely destroy them on the territory of Chechnya.

The entry of Russian troops into the territory of the ChRI led to direct confrontation between Maskhadov and the Russian government. He began to lead the resistance. The President of Ichkeria was first put on the all-Russian and then international wanted list. At first, Maskhadov could directly lead only a relatively small detachment, since most field commanders were not actually subordinate to him, and only in 2002 was a general command formed. Thus, Basayev, Khattab and other militant leaders sided with Maskhadov.

The actions of Russian troops on the territory of Chechnya this time were much more successful than in the first campaign. By the end of 2000, the Russian army controlled most of Chechnya. The militants hid in mountainous areas, carrying out terrorist attacks and sabotage.

Death of Maskhadov

In order to finally destroy the terrorist hotbed in Chechnya, the Russian special services decided to carry out a series of operations to personally eliminate militant leaders.

In March 2005, a special operation was carried out to detain the former leader of Ichkeria. During it, Aslan Maskhadov was killed. According to one version, he was shot by a bodyguard, since Maskhadov did not want to surrender alive.

Family

Maskhadov had a wife, son and daughter. Aslan Maskhadov's wife, Kusama Semieva, was a telephone operator before her marriage in 1972. After the death of her husband, she stayed abroad for a long time, until in 2016 she received permission to return to Chechnya.

Aslan Maskhadov's son Anzor was born in 1979. He received his education in Malaysia. Currently lives in Finland and sharply criticizes the Russian authorities, in particular Ramzan Kadyrov.

Maskhadov's daughter, Fatima, was born in 1981. Like his brother, he currently lives in Finland.

general characteristics

It is quite difficult to give an impartial description of such a controversial figure as Aslan Maskhadov. Some people overly idealize him, others demonize him. It should be noted that most people who personally know him characterize Maskhadov as an excellent officer and a man of honor. At the same time, he showed an inability to lead the state and was unable to subordinate to the central government many different groups in Ichkeria, whose lead he was often forced to follow.

Currently, rallies and pickets are being held in memory of Aslan Maskhadov with a demand that the Russian authorities release his body to his relatives. But so far they have not led to results.

While studying at the academy in Leningrad, Aslan Maskhadov asked to be called Oleg, but in the documents he was listed as Oslan. In addition, classmates noted Maskhadov’s complete lack of religiosity, as well as the fact that he was not averse to drinking a glass, although this was strictly prohibited by Islam.

According to colleagues, Maskhadov spoke sharply negatively about the declaration of independence of Lithuania, considering it separatism.

According to some information sources, Russian special services were able to calculate Maskhadov’s location using the IMEI of his mobile phone.