Emperor Nicholas II was born in 1868, on May 6 (18) in Tsarskoe Selo by Empress Maria Feodorovna. Nikolai Alexandrovich's father is Alexander III. At the age of 8 (1876) he became an honorary member of the Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburg, and in 1894 he became emperor.

During the reign of Emperor Nicholas 2, Russia experienced rapid development in the economy and industrial spheres. Under him, Russia lost the war of 1904–1905 to Japan, which accelerated the Revolution of 1905–1907. In the first year of the Revolution, on October 17, a Manifesto appeared, which legitimized the emergence of political parties and established the State Duma. At the same time, the implementation of Stolypin's agrarian reform began.

During World War I, Russia had allies in the form of members of the Entente, into which it was admitted in 1907. Since August 1915, Emperor Nicholas 2 has been the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

Abdicated the throne in 1917, March 2 (15), during the February Revolution. Soon after this, he was arrested and then killed by the Bolsheviks (along with his wife and children) in Yekaterinburg in 1918, on July 17. Canonized in 2000.

The emperor's childhood and adolescence

Teachers began studying with Nikolai when he reached the age of eight. First there was a training program of an eight-year general education course, then five years of higher education. The emperor's education was based on the modified course of the classical gymnasium. Nikolai studied natural sciences instead of classical “dead” languages. The history course was expanded, and the study of native literature was also more complete. Foreign languages ​​were also taught to the future emperor according to a more comprehensive program. Higher education subjects included political economy and law. Higher military affairs included the study of military law, strategy, geography and the service of the General Staff.

Nikolai studied the art of using a rapier, vaulting, drawing and music. Teachers and mentors were strictly selected by the crowned parents themselves. The teaching staff included learned men, statesmen and military figures, such as N. Kh. Bunge, N. K. Girs, K. P. Pobedonostsev, N. N. Obruchev, M. I. Dragomirov and A. R. Drenteln.

First steps in career

Knowing military regulations and internal officer traditions perfectly, Nikolai was drawn to military affairs from an early age. It was not difficult for him to endure difficulties during camp training and maneuvers; he easily and humanly communicated with ordinary soldiers, while at the same time feeling his responsibility to them - as a mentor and patron.

His army career began immediately after birth: his name was included in the lists of the regiments of the Imperial Guard, and in the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment he was appointed chief. When Nikolai was five years old, the Life Guards Reserve Infantry Regiment received him as chief. In 1875 he was enrolled in the Life Guards Erivan Regiment. He received his first military rank in 1875 (in December), became a second lieutenant in 1880, and a lieutenant another 4 years later.

Since 1884, Nicholas II has been an active military man; in July 1887 he was accepted into the Preobrazhensky Regiment, where he received the rank of staff captain. After 4 years, the future Emperor became a captain, and in 1892 - a colonel.

Serving as Emperor of Russia

Nicholas was crowned at the age of 26, on October 20, 1894 in Moscow. He took the oath and received the name Nicholas II. In 1896, on May 18, the coronation celebrations on Khodynskoye Field were overshadowed by tragic events. The political situation during the reign of the last emperor became very tense. The foreign policy situation also sharply worsened: this was the time of the war between Russia and Japan, the bloody January 9, the revolution of 1905-1907, the First World War and the “bourgeois” revolution of February 1917.

During his reign, the process of industrialization of Russia took place. New cities were built and grew, populated areas were connected by railroads, and factories were erected. Nikolai was progressive in relation to the economic and social development of the country and the growth of modernization. He supported agrarian reform, signed laws on the introduction of gold circulation of the ruble and insurance of workers, and took the side of universal primary education and religious tolerance.

By his nature, Nicholas was not inclined to reform. He accepted many changes against his will, forcedly, since they went against his beliefs. He did not believe that Russia was ready to adopt a constitution, gain rights and freedoms, as well as voting rights. He did not want to go against a strong social movement for political change, and as a result he signed the Manifesto. Thus, on October 17, 1905, democratic freedoms were proclaimed.

The State Duma began its activities in 1906, its establishment was also spelled out in the Manifesto. This was the first time in Russian history: the population elected a representative body of power. The gradual transformation of Russia into a constitutional monarchy began.

Despite these changes, the power of the emperor was still enormous: laws in the form of decrees were not repealed, and the appointment of ministers and a prime minister accountable only to the emperor was his prerogative. The army, the court and the ministers of the Church were still subject to him, and it was he who determined the course of foreign policy.

Emperor Nicholas II as a person

Contemporaries assessed the positive and negative personality traits of Nicholas II in very contradictory ways. Some considered him almost “spineless” and weak-willed, others noted his persistence in achieving his goals, often reaching the point of stubbornness. In fact, someone else's will was imposed on him only once, when he signed the Manifesto and thereby allowed it to be.

At first glance, there was nothing strong, stern and powerful in his appearance, character and behavior, like that of his father Alexander III. Nevertheless, people who knew him closely noted exceptional self-control, which could be mistakenly interpreted as indifference to people and the fate of the country. An example of this is his composure at the news that Port Arthur had fallen and that the Russian army had again lost another battle (during the First World War). This impassivity struck those around him to the depths of his soul. Emperor Nicholas 2 dealt with state affairs very diligently and carefully, doing almost everything himself - he never had a personal secretary, and all the seals on the letters were put by his hand. In general, managing vast Russia was difficult for him. According to contemporaries, the emperor was very observant, had a tenacious memory, was modest, sensitive and friendly. He valued peace of mind, health and well-being of himself and his family.

Family of Nicholas II

In difficult times, his family was his support. The emperor's wife was Princess Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt, and when she was married to Empress Alexandra Feodorovna.

She was a true friend to Nikolai, supported him and helped him with advice. They had many similarities - in habits, ideas about life and cultural interests. They got married in 1894, on November 14. The Empress gave birth to four daughters and an only son: in 1895 - Olga, in 1897 - Tatiana, in 1899 - Maria, in 1901 - Anastasia and in 1904 - Alexei.

Alexey had an incurable disease that caused constant suffering to his loving parents: blood incoagulability, or hemophilia.

The acquaintance of the royal couple with Grigory Rasputin occurred precisely because of the prince’s illness. Rasputin had long had a reputation as a healer and seer, and he often helped Alexei cope with attacks of illness.

World War I

The fate of Emperor Nicholas 2 changed dramatically in the year the First World War began. For a very long time he tried to prevent a bloody clash, to avoid hostilities. Alas, hopes were not justified: the war began in 1914, Russia received the “glove” from Germany on August 1.

When a streak of military failures began, and this was in August 1915, the emperor assumed the functions of commander-in-chief. Previously, this duty was performed by Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (junior). From that time on, the emperor almost never visited St. Petersburg; Mogilev and the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief became his “home”.

Problems within the country “thanks to” the war became much more acute. There were rumors that the government had “warmed up” the traitors. The main burden of responsibility for too long military operations and failures on the battlefields fell on the shoulders of the tsar and the government. Together with the allies, England and France, the General Staff, led by Nicholas II, prepared a plan for the final offensive. They planned to end the war before the summer of 1917.

Abdication of Tsar Nicholas II. Execution

The capital's unrest in February 1917 did not meet with serious resistance from the government. Seeing no resistance, the masses intensified and launched large-scale protests against the dynasty and the authorities. Emperor Nicholas 2 did not restore order by force, fearing limitless bloodshed.

There were people in the government actively persuading the tsar to abdicate the throne. High military officials, some members of the royal retinue and individual political subjects explained this by saying that a change of power was required to calm the unrest in the country. The fatal step was taken on March 2, 1917. After much painful reflection in the carriage of the imperial train, in Pskov, the tsar signed his abdication of the throne. The throne was transferred to Grand Duke Mikhail, Nicholas's brother, but he did not accept the crown.

The emperor and his family were arrested on March 9. For five months they lived in Tsarskoe Selo, under constant guard. At the end of the summer they were transported to Tobolsk, where they stayed until April 1918. The next and final refuge of the royal family was Yekaterinburg, Ipatiev’s house, where they remained in the basement until July 17. That night they were shot: every single one of them, seven and four close associates, without a trial or investigation.

On the same night in the Urals, in the Alapaevskaya mine, six more close relatives of the royal dynasty were shot.

The last Russian Emperor Nicholas 2 was canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church.

They say that if a person does not know the history of his native state, then he does not know his roots. On the one hand, what do we, living today, care about the fate of the rulers who ruled several hundred years ago? But practice shows: historical experience does not lose relevance in any era. The reign of Nicholas 2 was the final chord in the reign of the Romanov dynasty, but it also turned out to be the brightest and turning point in the history of our country. In the article below you will get acquainted with the royal family, learn about what Nicholas 2 was like during his time, the reforms and features of his reign will be of interest to everyone.

The last Emperor

Nicholas 2 had many titles and regalia: he was the Emperor of All Russia, the Grand Duke of Finland, and the Tsar of Poland. He was appointed colonel, and the British monarchs awarded him the rank of field marshal of the British army and admiral of the fleet. This suggests that he enjoyed respect and popularity among the heads of other states. He was an easy-going person, but at the same time he never lost his self-esteem. In any situation, the emperor never forgot that he was a person of royal blood. Even in exile, during house arrest and in the last days of his life, he remained a real person.

The reign of Nicholas 2 showed: on Russian soil there are no shortage of patriots with good thoughts and glorious deeds for the good of the Fatherland. Contemporaries said that Nicholas 2 was more like a nobleman: a simple-minded, conscientious man, he took a responsible approach to any task and was always sensitive to the pain of others. He treated all people condescendingly, even simple peasants, and could easily talk to any of them on an equal basis. But the sovereign never forgave those who got involved in money scams, cheated and deceived others.

Reforms of Nicholas 2

The Emperor ascended the throne in 1896. This is a difficult time for Russia, difficult for the common people and dangerous for the ruling class. The emperor himself firmly adhered to the principles of autocracy and always emphasized that he would strictly preserve its charter and did not intend to carry out any reforms. The reign of Nicholas 2 came at a difficult time for the state, so revolutionary unrest among the people and their dissatisfaction with the ruling class forced Nicholas 2 to carry out two major reforms. These were: political reform of 1905-1907. and the agrarian reform of 1907. The history of the reign of Nicholas 2 shows: almost every step of the sovereign was begged for and calculated.

Bulygin reform of 1905

The first reform began with a preparatory stage, which took place from February to August 1905. A Special Meeting was created, headed by the Minister of Internal Affairs A.G. Bulygin. During this time, a manifesto on the establishment of the State Duma and the Regulations on elections were prepared. They were published on August 6, 1905. But due to the uprising of the working class, the legislative council was not convened.

In addition, an All-Russian political strike took place, which forced Emperor Nicholas 2 to make serious political concessions and issue a manifesto on October 17, which endowed the legislative deliberative Duma with legislative rights, proclaim political freedom and significantly expand the circle of voters.

The entire work of the Duma and the principles of its formation were written down in the Regulations on Elections of December 11, 1905, in the Decree on the composition and structure of the State Duma of February 20, 1906, as well as in the Basic Laws of April 23, 1906. Changes to the state structure were formalized by legislative act. Legislative functions were given to the State Council and the Council of Ministers, which began its work on October 19, 1905, and Yu.V. was appointed its head. Witte. The reforms of Nicholas 2 indirectly pushed the state to change power and overthrow the autocracy.

Collapse of the Duma of 1906-1907

The first one in Russia was very democratic, but the demands put forward were radical. They believed that political reforms must continue, they demanded that landowners stop land ownership, they condemned the autocracy, which rested on total terror. In addition, they expressed no confidence in the ruling government. Of course, all these innovations were not acceptable to the ruling class. Therefore, the first and second Dumas of 1906-1907 were dissolved by Emperor Nicholas 2.

The political reform of Nicholas 2 ended with the creation in which the rights of the people were severely limited. The new political system could not work with unresolved socio-economic and political problems.

The reign of Nicholas 2 became a turning point for the political system of the state. The Duma turned into a platform for criticizing the authorities, revealing itself as an opposition body. This prompted a new revolutionary uprising and further intensified the crisis in society.

Agrarian “Stolypin” reform

The process of transformation began in 1907. And P.A. was involved in it. Stolypin. The main goal was to preserve landownership. To achieve this result, they decided that it was necessary to liquidate the communities and sell the land to peasants living in the villages through the Peasant Bank. In order to reduce the peasant land shortage, they began to resettle peasants beyond the Urals. In the hope that all these measures will stop the social upheaval in society and it will be possible to modernize agriculture, they launched agrarian reform.

The rise of the Russian economy

The introduced innovations brought tangible results in the agricultural industry, and the economy of the Russian state experienced a noticeable rise. Grain harvests increased by 2 centners per hectare, the volume of harvested products increased by 20%, grain exported abroad increased in volume by 1.5 times. The incomes of peasants increased noticeably and their purchasing power increased. The reign of Nicholas 2 raised agriculture to a new level.

But, despite a noticeable economic recovery, the ruler was unable to resolve social issues. The form of government remained the same, and dissatisfaction with it among the people gradually increased. Thus, only 25% of farms left the community, 17% of those resettled beyond the Urals returned, and 20% of the peasants who took land through the Peasant Bank went bankrupt. As a result, the provision of peasants with plots of land decreased from 11 dessiatines to 8 dessiatines. It became clear that the second reform of Nicholas 2 ended unsatisfactorily and the agrarian problem was not solved.

Summing up the results of the reign of Nicholas 2, it can be argued that by 1913 the Russian Empire had become one of the richest in the world. This did not stop him from villainously murdering the great king, his entire family and his loyal associates 4 years later.

Features of raising the future emperor

Nicholas 2 himself was brought up in a strict and Spartan manner as a child. He devoted a lot of time to sports, his clothes were simple, and delicacies and sweets were only available on holidays. This attitude towards children showed that even if they were born into a rich and noble family, this was not their merit. It was believed that the main thing is what you know and can do and what kind of soul you have. The royal family of Nicholas 2 is an example of a friendly, fruitful union of husband, wife and their properly raised children.

The future emperor transferred this upbringing to his own family. From childhood, the king’s daughters knew what pain and suffering were and knew how to provide help to those who needed it. For example, the eldest daughters Olga and Maria, together with their mother, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, worked in military hospitals during the First World War. To do this, they completed special medical courses and stood on their feet at the operating table for several hours.

Currently, we know that the life of the king and his family is a constant fear for his life, for his family and for everything, and above all, great responsibility, care and concern for the entire people. And the tsar’s “profession” is thankless and dangerous, as the history of the Russian state confirms. The royal family of Nicholas 2 became the standard of marital fidelity for many years.

Head of the Imperial Family

Nicholas 2 himself became the last and the rule of Russia by the House of Romanov ended. He was the eldest son in the family, and his parents were Emperor Alexander 3 and Maria Fedorovna Romanov. After the tragic death of his grandfather, he became the heir to the Russian throne. Nicholas 2 had a calm character, was very religious, and grew up as a shy and thoughtful boy. However, at the right moment he was always firm and persistent in his intentions and actions.

Empress and mother of the family

The wife of the Russian Emperor Nicholas 2 was the daughter of the Grand Duke of Hesse-Drmstadt, Ludwig, and her mother was the Princess of England. The future Empress was born on June 7, 1872 in Darmstadt. Her parents named her Alix and gave her a real English upbringing. The girl was born sixth in a row, but this did not stop her from becoming a well-mannered and worthy successor of the English family, because her grandmother was Queen Victoria of England. The future empress had a balanced character and was very shy. Despite her noble origin, she led a Spartan lifestyle, taking a bath with cold water in the morning and spending the night on a hard bed.

Favorite children of the royal family

The first child in the family of Emperor Nicholas 2 and his wife Empress Alexandra Feodorovna was daughter Olga. She was born in 1895 in November and became her parents' favorite child. Grand Duchess Romanova was very smart, friendly and distinguished by great abilities in the study of all kinds of sciences. She was distinguished by her sincerity and generosity, and her Christian soul was pure and fair. The beginning of the reign of Nicholas 2 was marked by the birth of his first child.

The second child of Nicholas 2 was daughter Tatyana, who was born on June 11, 1897. Outwardly, she resembled her mother, but her character was that of her father. She had a strong sense of duty and loved order in everything. Grand Duchess Tatiana Nikolaevna Romanova was good at embroidery and sewing, had a sound mind and remained herself in all life situations.

The next and, accordingly, third child of the emperor and empress was another daughter, Maria. She was born on June 27, 1899. The Grand Duchess differed from her sisters in her good nature, friendliness and cheerfulness. She had a beautiful appearance and had great vitality. She was very attached to her parents and loved them madly.

The Emperor was looking forward to his son, but the fourth child in the royal family was again the girl Anastasia. The Emperor loved her like all his daughters. Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna Romanova was born on June 18, 1901 and was very similar in character to a boy. She turned out to be a nimble and playful child, loved to play pranks and had a cheerful disposition.

On August 12, 1904, the long-awaited heir was born into the imperial family. The boy was named Alexey, in honor of his great-great-grandfather Alexei Mikhailovich Romanov. The Tsarevich inherited all the best from his father and mother. He loved his parents dearly, and his father Nikolai 2 was a real idol for him, he always tried to imitate him.

Accession to the throne

May 1896 was marked by the most important event - the coronation of Nicholas 2 took place in Moscow. This was the last such event: the tsar became the last not only in the Romanov dynasty, but also in the history of the Russian Empire. Ironically, it was this coronation that became the most majestic and luxurious. Thus began the reign of Nicholas 2. For the most important occasion, the city was decorated with colorful illumination that had just appeared at that time. According to eyewitnesses, there was literally a “sea of ​​fire” at the event.

Representatives from all countries gathered in the capital of the Russian Empire. From heads of state to ordinary people, representatives of every class were present at the inauguration ceremony. To capture this significant day in color, venerable artists came to Moscow: Serov, Ryabushkin, Vasnetsov, Repin, Nesterov and others. The coronation of Nicholas 2 was a real holiday for the Russian people.

The last coin of the empire

Numismatics is a truly interesting science. She studies not just coins and banknotes of different states and eras. In the collections of the largest numismatists one can trace the history of the country, its economic, political and social changes. So the chervonets of Nicholas 2 became a legendary coin.

It was first issued in 1911, and subsequently the mint minted chervonets in huge quantities every year. The denomination of the coin was 10 rubles and was made of gold. It would seem, why does this money attract the attention of numismatists and historians so much? The catch is that the number of coins produced and minted was limited. And that means it makes sense to compete for the coveted chervonets. There were many more of them than the mint claimed. But, unfortunately, among the large number of fakes and “impostors” it is difficult to find a genuine coin.

Why do the coins have so many “doubles”? It is believed that someone was able to take the obverse and reverse dies from the mint and put them in the hands of counterfeiters. Historians claim that it could have been either Kolchak, who “minted” many chervonets to undermine the country’s economy, or the Soviet government, which tried to pay off Western partners with this money. It is known that for a long time Western countries did not seriously recognize the new government and continued to pay Russian gold chervonets. Also, the mass production of counterfeit coins could have been carried out much later, and from low-quality gold.

Foreign policy of Nicholas II

During the reign of the emperor there were two large military companies. In the Far East, the Russian state faced an aggressive Japan. In 1904, the Russo-Japanese War began, which was supposed to distract the common people from the socio-economic problems of the state. The largest military operations took place at the Port Arthur fortress, which surrendered in December 1904. The Russian army lost the battle at Mukend in February 1905. And near the island of Tsushima in May 1905, the Russian fleet was defeated and completely sunk. The Russian-Japanese military campaign ended with the signing of peace agreements in Portsmouth in August 1905, according to which Korea and the southern part of Sakhalin Island were ceded to Japan.

World War I

In the city of Sarajevo in Bosnia, the heir to the Austrian throne, F. Ferdinand, was killed, which was the reason for the outbreak of the First World War of 1914 between the Triple Alliance and the Entente. It included states such as Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy. And the Entente included Russia, England and France.

The main military actions took place on the Western Front in 1914. On the Eastern Front, Austria-Hungary was defeated by the Russian army and was close to capitulation. But Germany helped Austria-Hungary survive and continue its offensive against Russia.

Again Germany went against Russia in the spring and summer of 1915, capturing Poland, part of the Baltic states, part of Western Belarus and Ukraine during this offensive. And in 1916, German troops delivered the main blow on the Western Front. In turn, Russian troops broke through the front and defeated the Austrian army, General A.A. led the military operations. Brusilov.

The foreign policy of Nicholas 2 led to the fact that the Russian state was economically exhausted by a long war, and political problems also arose. The deputies did not hide the fact that they were not happy with the policies pursued by the ruling government. was never resolved, and the Patriotic War only aggravated it. By signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on March 5, 1918, Russia ended the war.

Summing up

We can talk for a long time about the fate of rulers. The results of the reign of Nicholas 2 are as follows: Russia experienced a colossal leap in economic development, as well as increased political and social contradictions. During the reign of the emperor there were two revolutions at once, the last of which became decisive. Large-scale changes in relations with other countries led to the fact that the Russian Empire increased its influence in the east. The reign of Nicholas 2 was extremely controversial. Perhaps that is why it was in those years that events took place that led to a change in the political system.

We can discuss for a long time whether the emperor should have acted one way or another. Historians still have not agreed on who the last emperor of the Russian Empire was - a great autocrat or the death of statehood. The era of the reign of Nicholas 2 was a very difficult time for the Russian Empire, but at the same time remarkable and fateful.

What was Nicholas II like?

Let's take a closer look at the personality of the last autocrat of Russia, Nicholas II, and the facts of his biography.

Nicholas II Alexandrovich Romanov was born on May 6, 1868. in the Alexander Palace of Tsarskoye Selo. He was the first child of Emperor Alexander III and his wife Maria Feodorovna (Danish princess Dagmara).

In 1875 Enlisted in the Life Guards Erivan Regiment, promoted to ensign, in 1880. - as a lieutenant. May 6, 1884 took the oath. In 1887 promoted to staff captain in 1891. - promoted to captain, in 1892. - to colonel.

He received many awards and titles from European countries, and in 1915. English King George V promoted his cousin Nikolai Alexandrovich to field marshal of the British army.

The Russian emperor was enthusiastic about service even in his youth, although, according to military experts, he did not have great talents in this matter.

He studied a lot (including independently) in the natural sciences, foreign languages, history, political economy and other disciplines. He was not endowed with particularly bright talents, but he took his studies seriously and achieved excellent results in many subjects. He played musical instruments quite well and drew. He was diligent and careful. He inherited patriarchal morals from his father, which he adhered to throughout his life.

In the character of Nicholas II, gentleness and philosophy were strangely combined with rigidity and stubbornness, a penchant for mysticism and religiosity - with pliability and patriarchal beliefs.

Kindness to loved ones and a certain detachment did not correspond to the “position” he occupied and the situation that had developed in Russia by 1914, when the First World War broke out. And especially towards the end of 1916, when a revolution was brewing in a country exhausted by the war.

1917

February 23, 1917 Crowds of people took to the streets of Petrograd. "Of bread!" - people shouted. The stone echo amplified the voice of the crowd. Is there not enough bread in the Russian Empire? Long lines in shops and stores could have alerted state leaders long ago. But the tsarist government, the State Duma and the emperor treated this very calmly. Just think, queues. There is not enough bread, but there is some. We must remember that after the Tsar abdicated the throne, bread suddenly appeared in Petrograd as if by magic.

Of course, the supply of food to the capital had to be taken more seriously. But the government has many other important problems: the war is going on. The Russian military leadership, faithful to its allied duty, was preparing a large-scale offensive. There's no time for queues anymore. The government proposed introducing bread cards in the city to streamline the distribution of bread. This is in February - six months before the next harvest.

No one had yet seen the decree on the introduction of bread cards, but rumors about it instantly spread throughout Petrograd. Hunger!! There was no famine yet. But the thought of him stirred people up.

The next day the crowd grew bolder. She no longer had enough bread. “Down with autocracy! Down with the war! - people shouted. And the red flags defiantly beat their wings, and violent voices quickly grew stronger, singing revolutionary songs.

On February 25, the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov, reported to Headquarters that the number of strikers was about 250,000 people. The general issued an order for arrests. The prisons were packed with demonstrators and onlookers, but the moment for decisive action was lost forever much earlier. And not by S.S. Khabalov, but by those who did not give the people bread on time.

On February 26, people took to the streets again: the songs sounded louder and bolder, there were more red banners in the city, and there was even more anger and determination in the eyes of people. “I command you to stop the riots tomorrow, which are unacceptable in difficult times of war,” Nikolai I ordered in a telegram. And soldiers appeared on the streets of the city.

The last Russian Tsar had a harsh time, and it was not his business to reign in Russia. He should write poetry, keep philosophical diaries, have fun with the kids, but fate made him a king. Those who walked in uneven rebellious columns and sang revolutionary songs, at whom bullets from Russian rifles flew, did not forgive Nicholas II for his orders. They called this man “bloody” back in 1905, and rightly so, because it is a sin to shoot at your own people with rifles.

On February 26, units loyal to the government shot at the demonstrators, but that day there were also military units in the city that unconditionally went over to the side of the rebellious people.

M.V. Rodzianko (Chairman of the State Duma) sent a report to Headquarters in which, briefly outlining the situation and calling it anarchy, he reported the need to “immediately entrust a person enjoying the country’s confidence to form a new government.” The next day, General Alekseev presented a telegram to the Tsar, in which M.V. Rodzianko spoke in a more frank manner about the need to take emergency measures, that is, Nicholas’s abdication in favor of Tsarevich Alexei.

On March 28, Nicholas II left Headquarters, located in Mogilev, for Tsarskoe Selo. He failed to get there: a detachment of revolutionary troops blocked the railway, occupying the Lyuban station. The royal train changed its route, slowly moving towards Pskov. Nicholas II was stalling for time, as if not realizing that someone had already decided everything for him.

On March 1, the formation of the Provisional Government began in St. Petersburg without the order of the monarch. Rodzianko spoke with General Ruzsky. He supported him. They sent a telegram to General Alekseev, in which they expressed their opinion: Russia will be saved only by the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne in favor of his son Alexei under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. The Chief of the General Staff sent a message to the Tsar in which the position of Ruzsky and Rodzianko was supported by similar requests from the front commanders Brusilov and Evert, as well as Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich.

And Nicholas II abdicated the throne, however, in favor of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, explaining this by his reluctance to part with his beloved son.

March 2, 1917 The last manifesto of the last tsar of the Romanov dynasty was published. The next day, Mikhail Alexandrovich abdicated the throne, not accepting a rich gift from his brother - the huge Russian Empire.

On the same day, the now former monarch sent a note to Alekseev outlining his last four requests: 1. Allow him to move to Tsarskoe Selo; 2. Guarantee security there; 3. Provide relocation to the city of Romanov-on-Murman; 4. Allow to return to Russia after the war for permanent residence in Crimean Livadia.

General Alekseev conveyed the first three requests of the former tsar to the head of the Provisional Government, Prince G. E. Lvov, by telephone. The Chief of the General Staff did not even mention the fourth. Indeed, why talk about the impossible?

The manifesto of the abdication of Nicholas II and the renunciation of the throne by Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich were calmly received in the army. The soldiers listened to this most important news in silence: there was neither joy nor grief in the faces of the soldiers - so, in any case, General A.I. Denikin wrote in his memoirs. As if they weren’t talking about their homeland, as if that manifesto didn’t concern the soldiers at all.

During the days of Kornilov's speech. Soldiers who defected to the Provisional Government

The amazing indifference (purely external, of course) with which the soldiers reacted to the greatest event amazed many officers and generals of the “white movement”, but what surprised them even more was the rapid change in relation to everything that was formerly royal.

March 7, 1917 According to the decree of the Provisional Government, the former Tsar Nicholas II and his wife were arrested. In the second half of March, Nicholas II decided to leave with his family for England. The Provisional Government, under pressure from the Council of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, with which it practically shared power, did not provide the former tsar with such an opportunity.

On April 3, V.I. Lenin arrived in Russia and spoke on the square of the Finlyandsky Station in St. Petersburg, calling on the people to fight for the socialist revolution. The “April Theses” became the program document of the RSDLP(b).

On July 2-6, an unsuccessful offensive by the Russian army at the front was carried out. The deterioration of the economic situation, the disbandment of some pro-Bolshevik military units, and the government crisis (the Cadets left the Provisional Government) caused an aggravation of the political situation within the country. Demonstrations began, in which soldiers and sailors took an active part. On July 4, 500,000 people moved to the Tauride Palace. The commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Polovtsev, ordered the cadets and Cossacks to disperse the demonstration. As a result, 56 people were killed and 650 people were injured. Arrests began. The dual power is over. Power completely transferred to the Provisional Government. A.F. Kerensky became minister-chairman.

On August 1, the royal family was sent under reinforced escort to Tobolsk, where 6 days later Nicholas II, Alexandra Fedorovna, Anastasia, Olga, Maria, Tatyana, Alexey arrived, as well as those accompanying them, General I. A. Tatishchev, Prince V. A. Dolgoruky, Countess A.V. Gendrikova, E.A. Schneider, teacher Pierre Gilliard, Englishman Gibbs, doctors E.S. Botkin and Derevenko, sailors K.G. Nagorny and I.D. Sednev with their son Leonid; servants Volkov, Kharitonov, Trupp, chamberlain Chemadurov and chambermaid Anna Demidova, commandant Colonel Kobylinsky.

At the end of August, the commander-in-chief of the Southwestern Front, General L.G. Kornilov, made an unsuccessful attempt to seize power and establish a military dictatorship in the country. The main military task was assigned to the 3rd Cavalry Corps of General A. M. Krymov. He was supposed to bring troops into Petrograd and establish military order. Kornilov was supported on the Don by General A.M. Kaledin.

The Bolsheviks played a major role in defeating the rebellion. They called on workers and soldiers to defend the revolution, gathered a Red Guard of 15,000 people in three days; At the same time, they criticized the policy of the Provisional Government, with which they entered into an alliance for a joint struggle against L. G. Kornilov.

By August 30, the advance of the rebel troops to the Russian capital was suspended. Fermentation began in Kornilov's army, soldiers and Cossacks began to go over to the side of the revolution. General Krymov shot himself in despair. The leaders of the rebellion and “sympathizers” - generals Kornilov, Lukomsky, Denikin, Markov, Romanovsky and others - were arrested.

The eldest son of Alexander III - Nicholas "Niki" - took from his father simplicity in communication and liveliness of character. He was charmingly playful, loved outdoor games and activities - and this desire to always be on the move, to keep himself in good physical shape, remained with Emperor Nicholas II throughout his life. Baroness Sophie Buchshoeveden recalled: “The Emperor was very hardy; only on the coldest days did he put on a coat; he usually went out in a military jacket, which he always wore; he did not like warm clothes and only wore a knitted jacket under his jacket.”

But at the same time, from an early age, Niki showed sophistication, poetry and inner grace, a desire for beauty and love for all living things. Already as a small boy, his dreamy, thoughtful gaze attracted attention. His very beautiful, as many emphasized, clear eyes seemed amazing when Nicky looked at the birds flying high in the sky...

He was concerned about the pain of every living creature - and he prayed for the sparrow that had fallen from the nest. He was fascinated by the sound of poetic lines - and Niki asked to have poetry read out loud to him when he himself could not yet read. From early childhood, a sincere, excited religiosity lived in the soul of this boy, manifesting itself even in small things. All these qualities of the future emperor developed beautifully in the natural family atmosphere supported by his father.

The children of Emperor Alexander III were brought up in love, in joy, in the light of Christ's teaching, in simplicity and selflessness. Therefore, one can argue a lot about the qualities of Nicholas II as an emperor, but one thing remains undoubted - he was truly a holy man, in his life, as in death, who showed people his highest Christian qualities - care, mercy and love.

Nowadays one can often hear the question: why was he considered a saint? Only the Lord knows the exact answer to this question, who glorified his chosen one with miracles, phenomena of unexpected and quick help to people in difficult situations through prayers to the king. But we will also say that, considering the earthly life of Emperor Nicholas Alexandrovich, we see holiness in this life itself, and not only in the fact of a martyr’s death met with dignity.

Tsar Nicholas was a father not only to his five children, but also to millions of his subjects. “Not everyone can be satisfied with family happiness alone,” noted aide-de-camp A. Mordvinov. “Another extensive family is his Motherland, which the sovereign sought to serve not only because fate and birth put him at the head of the country, but also simply as a Russian, occupied his thoughts and evoked hidden, deeply painful experiences."

This love for his country was not passive - it manifested itself primarily in the emperor’s amazing performance. Nicholas II, without a secretary, did all the work himself, even putting state seals on envelopes before handing them over for sending. Not a single paper was left on his desk - he always read and returned everything without delay.

Another of the striking distinctive features of Nicholas II is mercy, the desire to do good, coming from the soul, alien to any pharisaism. “He was generous and helpful, donating for his pension from his personal income,” writes Baroness Sophie Buchshoeveden.

Contrary to popular legends, Nicholas II was characterized by extraordinary endurance and willpower - qualities that are described by everyone who knew the Emperor more or less closely. “Nicholas II was reproached for weakness of will, but people were far from the truth,” said his wife, Empress Alexandra. The historian Oldenburg noted: “The sovereign had a velvet glove over his iron hand. His will was not like a thunderclap. It did not manifest itself in explosions and violent clashes.” Baroness Buchshoeveden notes: “Restraint was second nature to him. Many asked: was he fully aware of the tragedy of some events? - his attitude was so calm, his expression was so secretive. In fact, it was a mask.” His wife understood this very well and shared her pain with her close friend Julia Den: “He is strong, not weak. I assure you, Lily, it takes a tremendous effort of will for him to suppress the outbursts of anger inherent in all Romanovs. He overcame the insurmountable: he learned to control himself - and for this they call him weak-willed. People forget that the greatest winner is the one who conquers himself."

“Once S. D. Sazonov (Minister of Foreign Affairs) expressed his surprise at the calm reaction of the emperor towards a morally unattractive person, the absence of any personal irritation towards him. And this is what the emperor told him: “I have already managed to achieve this string of personal irritation I have long since silenced myself completely. Irritability won’t help anything, and besides, a harsh word from me would sound more offensive than from someone else” (Oleg Platonov. “Emperor Nicholas II in Secret Correspondence”).

Nikolai Alexandrovich also showed restraint in his relations with his family. He did not allow himself a single irritable word, not a single gloomy or angry look. He applied severity to children as necessary, but one powerfully spoken word, and sometimes a stern fatherly look, was enough to calm the overly naughty children.

The inner strength inherent in the emperor, his awareness of his power, were combined in his nature with rare modesty, kindness and responsiveness. “He was extremely delicate, even to the point of sophistication” (A. Mordvinov). By his nature, he was completely incapable of causing harm to anyone personally. By this, Nikolai Alexandrovich made the same impression on almost all people - even on his personal enemies, such as Alexander Kerensky and Prince Georgy Lvov: they were fascinated by his personality.

And this kind charm of the saint has passed through history, it affects us even now, through the reviews of contemporaries, through photographic portraits. And if the holiness of the last Russian emperor still raises doubts in anyone, you should not look for the answer in the books of unscrupulous or erring authors - just pray to him.

Nature did not give Nicholas the properties important for the sovereign that his late father possessed. Most importantly, Nikolai did not have the “mind of the heart” - political instinct, foresight and that inner strength that those around him feel and obey. However, Nikolai himself felt his weakness, helplessness before fate. He even foresaw his bitter destiny: “I will undergo severe trials, but will not see reward on earth.” Nikolai considered himself an eternal loser: “I succeed in nothing in my endeavors. I have no luck”... Moreover, he not only turned out to be unprepared for ruling, but also did not like state affairs, which were torment for him, a heavy burden: “A day of rest for me - no reports, no receptions... I read a lot - again they sent heaps of papers…” (from the diary). He didn’t have his father’s passion or dedication to his work. He said: “I... try not to think about anything and find that this is the only way to rule Russia.” At the same time, dealing with him was extremely difficult. Nikolai was secretive and vindictive. Witte called him a “Byzantine” who knew how to attract a person with his trust and then deceive him. One wit wrote about the king: “He doesn’t lie, but he doesn’t tell the truth either.”

KHODYNKA

And three days later [after the coronation of Nicholas on May 14, 1896 in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin] on the suburban Khodynskoye field, where public festivities were supposed to take place, a terrible tragedy occurred. Thousands of people, already in the evening, on the eve of the day of festivities, began to gather there, hoping in the morning to be among the first to receive at the “buffet” (of which a hundred were prepared) the royal gift - one of 400 thousand gifts wrapped in a colored scarf, consisting of a “food set” ( half a pound of sausage, sausage, sweets, nuts, gingerbread), and most importantly - an outlandish, “eternal” enameled mug with a royal monogram and gilding. The Khodynskoe field was a training ground and was all pitted with ditches, trenches and holes. The night turned out to be moonless, dark, crowds of “guests” arrived and arrived, heading to the “buffets”. People, not seeing the road in front of them, fell into holes and ditches, and from behind they were pressed and pressed by those who were approaching from Moscow. […]

In total, by morning, about half a million Muscovites had gathered on Khodynka, compacted into huge crowds. As V. A. Gilyarovsky recalled,

“steam began to rise above the million-strong crowd, similar to swamp fog... The crush was terrible. Many became ill, some lost consciousness, unable to get out or even fall: deprived of feelings, with their eyes closed, compressed as if in a vice, they swayed along with the mass.”

The crush intensified when the bartenders, fearing the onslaught of the crowd, began handing out gifts without waiting for the announced deadline...

According to official data, 1,389 people died, although in reality there were much more victims. The blood ran cold even among seasoned military men and firefighters: scalped heads, crushed chests, premature babies lying in the dust... The king learned about this disaster in the morning, but did not cancel any of the planned festivities and in the evening he opened a ball with the charming wife of the French ambassador Montebello... And although the tsar later visited hospitals and donated money to the families of the victims, it was too late. The indifference shown by the sovereign to his people in the first hours of the disaster cost him dearly. He received the nickname "Nicholas the Bloody".

NICHOLAS II AND THE ARMY

When he was heir to the throne, the young Sovereign received thorough combat training, not only in the guard, but also in the army infantry. At the request of his sovereign father, he served as a junior officer in the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment (the first time a member of the Royal House was assigned to the army infantry). The observant and sensitive Tsarevich became familiar with the life of the troops in every detail and, having become Emperor of All Russia, turned all his attention to improving this life. His first orders streamlined production in the chief officer ranks, increased salaries and pensions, and improved soldiers' allowances. He canceled the passage with a ceremonial march and run, knowing from experience how difficult it was for the troops.

Emperor Nikolai Alexandrovich retained this love and affection for his troops until his martyrdom. Characteristic of Emperor Nicholas II’s love for the troops is his avoidance of the official term “lower rank.” The Emperor considered him too dry, official and always used the words: “Cossack”, “hussar”, “shooter”, etc. It is impossible to read the lines of the Tobolsk diary of the dark days of the cursed year without deep emotion:

December 6. My name day... At 12 o'clock a prayer service was served. The riflemen of the 4th regiment, who were in the garden, who were on guard, all congratulated me, and I congratulated them on the regimental holiday.”

FROM THE DIARY OF NICHOLAS II FOR 1905

June 15th. Wednesday. Hot quiet day. Alix and I took a very long time at the Farm and were a full hour late for breakfast. Uncle Alexey was waiting for him with the children in the garden. Took a long trip in a kayak. Aunt Olga arrived for tea. Swimmed in the sea. After lunch we went for a drive.

I received stunning news from Odessa that the crew of the battleship Prince Potemkin-Tavrichesky that arrived there had mutinied, killed the officers and taken possession of the ship, threatening unrest in the city. I just can't believe it!

Today the war with Turkey began. Early in the morning, the Turkish squadron approached Sevastopol in the fog and opened fire on the batteries, and left half an hour later. At the same time, “Breslau” bombarded Feodosia, and “Goeben” appeared in front of Novorossiysk.

The scoundrel Germans continue to retreat hastily in western Poland.

MANIFESTO ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE 1st STATE DUMA JULY 9, 1906

By Our will, people chosen from the population were called to legislative construction […] Firmly trusting in the mercy of God, believing in the bright and great future of Our people, We expected from their labors the good and benefit for the country. […] We have planned major transformations in all sectors of the people’s life, and Our main concern has always been to dispel the people’s darkness with the light of enlightenment and the people’s hardships by easing land labor. A severe test has been sent down to Our expectations. Those elected from the population, instead of working on legislative construction, deviated into an area that did not belong to them and turned to investigating the actions of local authorities appointed by Us, to pointing out to Us the imperfections of the Fundamental Laws, changes to which can only be undertaken by Our Monarch’s will, and to actions that are clearly illegal, such as an appeal on behalf of the Duma to the population. […]

Confused by such disorders, the peasantry, not expecting a legal improvement in their situation, moved in a number of provinces to open robbery, theft of other people's property, disobedience to the law and legitimate authorities. […]

But let our subjects remember that only with complete order and tranquility is a lasting improvement in the people’s life possible. Let it be known that We will not allow any self-will or lawlessness and with all the might of the state we will bring those who disobey the law to submission to our Royal will. We call on all right-thinking Russian people to unite to maintain legitimate power and restore peace in our dear Fatherland.

May peace be restored in the Russian land, and may the Almighty help us to carry out the most important of our royal labors - raising the well-being of the peasantry. an honest way to expand your land holdings. Persons of other classes will, at Our call, make every effort to carry out this great task, the final decision of which in the legislative order will belong to the future composition of the Duma.

We, dissolving the current composition of the State Duma, at the same time confirm Our unchangeable intention to keep in force the very law on the establishment of this institution and, in accordance with this Decree of Ours to the Governing Senate on July 8th, set the time for its new convening on February 20, 1907 of the year.

MANIFESTO ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE II STATE DUMA JUNE 3, 1907

To our regret, a significant part of the composition of the second State Duma did not live up to our expectations. Many of the people sent from the population began to work not with a pure heart, not with a desire to strengthen Russia and improve its system, but with a clear desire to increase unrest and contribute to the disintegration of the state. The activities of these individuals in the State Duma served as an insurmountable obstacle to fruitful work. A spirit of hostility was introduced into the environment of the Duma itself, which prevented a sufficient number of its members who wanted to work for the benefit of their native land from uniting.

For this reason, the State Duma either did not consider the extensive measures developed by our government at all, or slowed down the discussion or rejected it, not even stopping to reject the laws that punished the open praise of crimes and especially punished the sowers of trouble in the troops. Avoiding condemnation of murders and violence. The State Duma did not provide moral assistance to the government in establishing order, and Russia continues to experience the shame of criminal hard times. The slow consideration by the State Duma of the state painting caused difficulties in the timely satisfaction of many urgent needs of the people.

A significant part of the Duma turned the right to interrogate the government into a way of fighting the government and inciting distrust of it among broad sections of the population. Finally, an act unheard of in the annals of history took place. The judiciary uncovered a conspiracy by an entire part of the State Duma against the state and tsarist power. When our government demanded the temporary, until the end of the trial, removal of the fifty-five members of the Duma accused of this crime and the detention of the most incriminated of them, the State Duma did not fulfill the immediate legal demand of the authorities, which did not allow any delay. […]

Created to strengthen the Russian state, the State Duma must be Russian in spirit. Other nationalities that were part of our state should have representatives of their needs in the State Duma, but they should not and will not appear in a number that gives them the opportunity to be arbiters of purely Russian issues. In those outskirts of the state where the population has not achieved sufficient development of citizenship, elections to the State Duma should be temporarily suspended.

Holy Fools and Rasputin

The king, and especially the queen, were susceptible to mysticism. The closest maid of honor to Alexandra Fedorovna and Nicholas II, Anna Alexandrovna Vyrubova (Taneeva), wrote in her memoirs: “The Emperor, like his ancestor Alexander I, was always mystically inclined; The empress was equally mystically inclined... Their Majesties said that they believe that there are people, as in the time of the Apostles... who possess the grace of God and whose prayer the Lord hears.”

Because of this, in the Winter Palace one could often see various holy fools, “blessed” people, fortune tellers, people supposedly capable of influencing people’s destinies. This is Pasha the perspicacious, and Matryona the barefoot, and Mitya Kozelsky, and Anastasia Nikolaevna Leuchtenbergskaya (Stana) - the wife of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich Jr. The doors of the royal palace were wide open for all sorts of rogues and adventurers, such as, for example, the Frenchman Philip (real name Nizier Vashol), who presented the empress with an icon with a bell, which was supposed to ring when people “with bad intentions” approached Alexandra Feodorovna. .

But the crown of royal mysticism was Grigory Efimovich Rasputin, who managed to completely subjugate the queen, and through her, the king. “Now it is not the tsar who rules, but the rogue Rasputin,” Bogdanovich noted in February 1912. “All respect for the tsar has disappeared.” The same idea was expressed on August 3, 1916 by former Minister of Foreign Affairs S.D. Sazonov in a conversation with M. Paleologus: “The Emperor reigns, but the Empress, inspired by Rasputin, rules.”

Rasputin […] quickly recognized all the weaknesses of the royal couple and skillfully took advantage of it. Alexandra Fedorovna wrote to her husband in September 1916: “I fully believe in the wisdom of our Friend, sent to Him by God, to advise what you and our country need.” “Listen to Him,” she instructed Nicholas II, “...God sent Him to you as an assistant and leader.” […]

It got to the point that individual governors-general, chief prosecutors of the Holy Synod and ministers were appointed and removed by the tsar on the recommendation of Rasputin, transmitted through the tsarina. On January 20, 1916, on his advice, V.V. was appointed chairman of the Council of Ministers. Sturmer is “an absolutely unprincipled person and a complete nonentity,” as Shulgin described him.

Radzig E.S. Nicholas II in the memoirs of those close to him. New and recent history. No. 2, 1999

REFORM AND COUNTER-REFORMS

The most promising path of development for the country through consistent democratic reforms turned out to be impossible. Although it was marked, as if by a dotted line, even under Alexander I, later it was either subject to distortion or even interrupted. Under that autocratic form of government, which throughout the 19th century. remained unshakable in Russia, the final word on any issue about the fate of the country belonged to the monarchs. They, by the whim of history, alternated: reformer Alexander I - reactionary Nicholas I, reformer Alexander II - counter-reformer Alexander III (Nicholas II, who ascended the throne in 1894, also had to undergo reforms after his father’s counter-reforms at the beginning of the next century) .

DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIA DURING THE REIGN OF NICHOLAS II

The main executor of all transformations in the first decade of the reign of Nicholas II (1894-1904) was S.Yu. Witte. A talented financier and statesman, S. Witte, having headed the Ministry of Finance in 1892, promised Alexander III, without carrying out political reforms, to make Russia one of the leading industrialized countries in 20 years.

The industrialization policy developed by Witte required significant capital investments from the budget. One of the sources of capital was the introduction of a state monopoly on wine and vodka products in 1894, which became the main revenue item of the budget.

In 1897, a monetary reform was carried out. Measures to increase taxes, increased gold production, and the conclusion of external loans made it possible to introduce gold coins into circulation instead of paper bills, which helped attract foreign capital to Russia and strengthen the country's monetary system, thanks to which state income doubled. The reform of commercial and industrial taxation carried out in 1898 introduced a trade tax.

The real result of Witte's economic policy was the accelerated development of industrial and railway construction. In the period from 1895 to 1899, an average of 3 thousand kilometers of tracks were built in the country per year.

By 1900, Russia took first place in the world in oil production.

By the end of 1903, there were 23 thousand factory enterprises operating in Russia with approximately 2,200 thousand workers. Politics S.Yu. Witte gave impetus to the development of Russian industry, commercial and industrial entrepreneurship, and the economy.

According to the project of P.A. Stolypin, agrarian reform began: peasants were allowed to freely dispose of their land, leave the community and run farmsteads. The attempt to abolish the rural community was of great importance for the development of capitalist relations in the countryside.

Chapter 19. The reign of Nicholas II (1894-1917). Russian history

BEGINNING OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

On the same day, July 29, at the insistence of the Chief of the General Staff Yanushkevich, Nicholas II signed a decree on general mobilization. In the evening, the head of the mobilization department of the General Staff, General Dobrorolsky, arrived at the building of the St. Petersburg main telegraph and personally brought there the text of the decree on mobilization for communication to all parts of the empire. There were literally a few minutes left before the devices were supposed to start transmitting the telegram. And suddenly Dobrorolsky was given the tsar’s order to suspend the transfer of the decree. It turned out that the tsar received a new telegram from Wilhelm. In his telegram, the Kaiser again assured that he would try to reach an agreement between Russia and Austria, and asked the Tsar not to complicate this with military preparations. After reading the telegram, Nikolai informed Sukhomlinov that he was canceling the decree on general mobilization. The Tsar decided to limit himself to partial mobilization directed only against Austria.

Sazonov, Yanushkevich and Sukhomlinov were extremely concerned that Nikolai had succumbed to the influence of Wilhelm. They were afraid that Germany would get ahead of Russia in the concentration and deployment of the army. They met on the morning of July 30 and decided to try to convince the king. Yanushkevich and Sukhomlinov tried to do this over the phone. However, Nikolai dryly announced to Yanushkevich that he was ending the conversation. The general nevertheless managed to inform the tsar that Sazonov was present in the room, who would also like to say a few words to him. After a short silence, the king agreed to listen to the minister. Sazonov asked for an audience for an urgent report. Nikolai was silent again, and then offered to come to him at 3 o’clock. Sazonov agreed with his interlocutors that if he convinced the Tsar, he would immediately call Yanushkevich from the Peterhof Palace, and he would give an order to the main telegraph to the officer on duty to communicate the decree to all military districts. “After this,” Yanushkevich said, “I will leave home, break the phone, and generally make it so that I can no longer be found for a new cancellation of the general mobilization.”

For almost an entire hour, Sazonov proved to Nikolai that war was inevitable anyway, since Germany was striving for it, and that under these conditions, delaying general mobilization was extremely dangerous. In the end, Nikolai agreed. […] From the lobby, Sazonov called Yanushkevich and reported the tsar’s sanction. “Now you can break your phone,” he added. At 5 pm on July 30, all the machines of the main St. Petersburg telegraph started knocking. They sent out the tsar's decree on general mobilization to all military districts. On July 31, in the morning, it became public.

The beginning of the First World War. History of Diplomacy. Volume 2. Edited by V. P. Potemkin. Moscow-Leningrad, 1945

THE REIGN OF NICHOLAS II IN THE ASSESSMENTS OF HISTORIANS

In emigration, there was a split among researchers in assessing the personality of the last king. The debates often became harsh, and the participants in the discussions took opposing positions, from praise on the conservative right flank to criticism from liberals and denigration on the left, socialist flank.

The monarchists who worked in exile included S. Oldenburg, N. Markov, I. Solonevich. According to I. Solonevich: “Nicholas II, a man of “average abilities,” faithfully and honestly did everything for Russia that He knew how to do, that He could. No one else was able or able to do more”... “Left-wing historians speak of Emperor Nicholas II as mediocrity, right-wing historians as an idol whose talents or mediocrity are not subject to discussion.” […].

An even more right-wing monarchist, N. Markov, noted: “The sovereign himself was slandered and defamed in the eyes of his people, he could not withstand the evil pressure of all those who, it would seem, were obliged to strengthen and defend the monarchy in every possible way” […].

The largest researcher of the reign of the last Russian Tsar is S. Oldenburg, whose work remains of paramount importance in the 21st century. For any researcher of the Nicholas period of Russian history, it is necessary, in the process of studying this era, to get acquainted with the work of S. Oldenburg “The Reign of Emperor Nicholas II”. […].

The left-liberal direction was represented by P. N. Milyukov, who stated in the book “The Second Russian Revolution”: “Concessions to power (Manifesto of October 17, 1905) not only could not satisfy society and the people because they were insufficient and incomplete. They were insincere and deceitful, and the power that gave them did not for a moment look at them as if they had been ceded forever and finally” […].

Socialist A.F. Kerensky wrote in “History of Russia”: “The reign of Nicholas II was fatal for Russia due to his personal qualities. But he was clear about one thing: having entered the war and linking the fate of Russia with the fate of the countries allied with it, he did not make any tempting compromises with Germany until the very end, until his martyrdom […]. The king bore the burden of power. She weighed him down internally... He had no will to power. He kept it according to oath and tradition” […].

Modern Russian historians have different assessments of the reign of the last Russian Tsar. The same split was observed among scholars of the reign of Nicholas II in exile. Some of them were monarchists, others had liberal views, and others considered themselves supporters of socialism. In our time, the historiography of the reign of Nicholas II can be divided into three directions, such as in emigrant literature. But in relation to the post-Soviet period, clarifications are also needed: modern researchers who praise the tsar are not necessarily monarchists, although a certain tendency is certainly present: A. Bokhanov, O. Platonov, V. Multatuli, M. Nazarov.

A. Bokhanov, the largest modern historian in the study of pre-revolutionary Russia, positively assesses the reign of Emperor Nicholas II: “In 1913, peace, order, and prosperity reigned all around. Russia confidently moved forward, no unrest occurred. Industry worked at full capacity, agriculture developed dynamically, and every year brought greater harvests. Prosperity grew, and the purchasing power of the population increased year by year. The rearmament of the army has begun, a few more years - and Russian military power will become the first force in the world” […].

Conservative historian V. Shambarov speaks positively about the last tsar, noting that the tsar was too lenient in dealing with his political enemies, who were also enemies of Russia: “Russia was destroyed not by autocratic “despotism,” but rather by the weakness and toothlessness of power.” The Tsar too often tried to find a compromise, to come to an agreement with the liberals, so that there would be no bloodshed between the government and part of the people deceived by the liberals and socialists. To do this, Nicholas II dismissed loyal, decent, competent ministers who were loyal to the monarchy and instead appointed either unprofessionals or secret enemies of the autocratic monarchy, or swindlers. […].

M. Nazarov in his book “To the Leader of the Third Rome” drew attention to the aspect of the global conspiracy of the financial elite to overthrow the Russian monarchy... […] According to the description of Admiral A. Bubnov, an atmosphere of conspiracy reigned at Headquarters. At the decisive moment, in response to Alekseev’s cleverly formulated request for abdication, only two generals publicly expressed loyalty to the Sovereign and readiness to lead their troops to pacify the rebellion (General Khan Nakhichevansky and General Count F.A. Keller). The rest welcomed the abdication by wearing red bows. Including the future founders of the White Army, Generals Alekseev and Kornilov (the latter then had the task of announcing to the royal family the order of the Provisional Government for its arrest). Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich also violated his oath on March 1, 1917 - even before the Tsar’s abdication and as a means of putting pressure on him! - removed his military unit (the Guards crew) from guarding the royal family, came to the State Duma under a red flag, provided this headquarters of the Masonic revolution with his guards to guard the arrested royal ministers and issued a call for other troops to “join the new government.” “There is cowardice, treason, and deceit all around,” these were the last words in the tsar’s diary on the night of his abdication […].

Representatives of the old socialist ideology, for example, A.M. Anfimov and E.S. Radzig, on the contrary, negatively assess the reign of the last Russian Tsar, calling the years of his reign a chain of crimes against the people.

Between two directions - praise and overly harsh, unfair criticism are the works of Ananich B.V., N.V. Kuznetsov and P. Cherkasov. […]

P. Cherkasov adheres to the middle in his assessment of the reign of Nicholas: “From the pages of all the works mentioned in the review, the tragic personality of the last Russian Tsar appears - a deeply decent and delicate man to the point of shyness, an exemplary Christian, a loving husband and father, faithful to his duty and at the same time an unremarkable statesman an activist, a prisoner of once and for all acquired convictions in the inviolability of the order of things bequeathed to him by his ancestors. He was neither a despot, much less an executioner of his people, as our official historiography claimed, but during his lifetime he was not a saint, as is sometimes now claimed, although by martyrdom he undoubtedly atoned for all the sins and mistakes of his reign. The drama of Nicholas II as a politician lies in his mediocrity, in the discrepancy between the scale of his personality and the challenge of the time” […].

And finally, there are historians of liberal views, such as K. Shatsillo, A. Utkin. According to the first: “Nicholas II, unlike his grandfather Alexander II, not only did not give overdue reforms, but even if they were wrested from him by force by the revolutionary movement, he stubbornly strove to take back what was given “in a moment of hesitation.” All this “driven” the country into a new revolution, making it completely inevitable... A. Utkin went even further, agreeing to the point that the Russian government was one of the culprits of the First World War, wanting a clash with Germany. At the same time, the tsarist administration simply did not calculate the strength of Russia: “Criminal pride destroyed Russia. Under no circumstances should she go to war with the industrial champion of the continent. Russia had the opportunity to avoid a fatal conflict with Germany.”