Part of the third. Comparative study involuntary

and arbitrary memorization

Chapter 7. Comparative study of involuntary and random memorization (in the meanness, incoherent material)

The value of the studies described in the second part consists not only in the fact that they allowed to give a fundamentally new and meaningful characteristic of involuntary memorization, but also in the fact that they served as the basis for a more correct approach to the study of the characteristics of arbitrary memorization and the patterns of its development.

Arbitrary memorization in contrast to involuntary both by its goal and according to the methods of its achievement is a special mnemonic action. The initial genetic step for it is not a mechanical memorization, but from the very beginning the semantic involuntary memorization.

The fruitfulness of such a formulation of the issue of the genesis of arbitrary memory was convincingly shown in the study of Istomine (1948) conducted under the leadership of Leontiev. Arbitrary memorization as a special mesmerous action becomes possible when there are special purposes to remember in the mind of the child, remember. The allocation and development of molemic purposes depends not only on objective conditions requiring a child to form such goals, but

and from the corresponding motivation that gives the necessary meaning to these goals and, thereby contributing to their awareness. The formation of mesmerous actions is associated with mastering more and more complex memorization methods.

With the advent of arbitrary memory, involuntary memorization does not lose its value. It continues to change and increasingly enriched as a result of further development of the content of activities during which it is carried out. Changes in activities create appropriate prerequisites and conditions for development and arbitrary memory. Therefore, the relationship between both types of memorization is not constant, they vary at different stages of development of both arbitrary memory and activities that are the basis for involuntary memory. A new question arose for the psychology of memory: about the relationship of involuntary and random memorization during the development of memory.

In many studies of foreign psychology, the so-called accidental memorization was studied in comparison with arbitrary. In a number of studies, as we noted in our review, interesting facts were obtained relating to various conditions of productivity "random" and arbitrary memorization. However, their initial provisions and methodological paths could not lead to the correct, theoretically reasonable formulation of the problem of the relationship of involuntary and random memorization. The main defect of these studies was that they were essentially not studied and did not compare the activity, leading to involuntary and arbitrary memorization.

As a typical example of such a comparative study of involuntary and random memorization, a study of Jenkins (1933) can be a study. In this study, one subject, acting as an experimenter, read senseless syllables to another who remembered them. A comparison of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of meaningless syllables in these two situations excluded their meaningful characteristic. But even in the best studies (postman and senters, 1946; Postman and Adams, 1946; Postman, Adams and Philips, 1955; Postman and Plenniedalis, 1956; Salzman, 1953; Salzman and Neemark, 1953; Salzman and Atkinson, 1954; Salzman, 1966 and others) We did not find a meaningful analysis of activities underlying these two types of memorization. Some studies have introduced the so-called orient job in the situation of involuntary and arbitrary memorization. However, it served as a peculiar technique of equalizing all other conditions for accidental and random memorization, except for the installation for memorization. The orienting task itself was not analyzed as a condition for the implementation of involuntary memorization, nor as a possible means of arbitrary memorization. We no longer say that the orientative tasks introduced into experiments were often dismistent, artificial.

The closer to the problem of comparative study of involuntary and random memorization, Kirkpatrick (1914) and MAZO (1929) approached, but their attempts of a meaningful analysis of the conditions for the difference in the productivity of these two types of memorization did not obtain their development in further research of overseas psychology.

IN we proceeded from the fact that the analysis of the content and structure of the activity, the result of which is involuntary memory, and the analysis of the features of special mesmerous actions constituting the essence of arbitrary memory must act as the main path of their comparative study.

Such learning has a large practical and theoretical value. It makes it possible to establish common and different in arbitrary and involuntary memorization in the conditions of their productivity, determine the place and significance of the other type of memorization in schoolchild's academic work. The formation of these two types of memorization is the main content of the development of memory, therefore, the study of the nature of differences and connections between them will allow to give a meaningful memory characteristic at different stages of its development.

IN we put our task to highlight the results of a comparative study of involuntary and arbitrary memorization carried out by us on a different material, in conditions of different ways to work on it, and on the basis of these studies, to put some issues related to the practice and theory of memory.

An involuntary memorization that will be compared in the future with arbitrary, we studied mainly within the fulfillment of various kinds of cognitive tasks. Therefore, the reasons for differences in the peculiarities and conditions of productivity of both types of memorization, we will search, on the one hand, and the content and nature of the implementation of a certain cognitive problem, in which involuntary memorization is carried out, on the other hand - in the peculiarities of the content and implementation of the mnemic

tasks. Cognitive activity is a leading, although not an exhaustive area of \u200b\u200boperation of involuntary and arbitrary memorization. Therefore, we believe that a comparative study of these types of memory within such activities should lead to the establishment of not only important, but also the basic patterns of involuntary and random memorization.

Almost all studies of involuntary memorization were carried out by us in terms of comparing it with arbitrary memorization. In the second part of the book, we outlined only the facts relating to the characteristic of involuntary memorization. In this section, in some cases we will use the same facts, but in terms of comparing them with the facts of arbitrary memorization. A comparative analysis will help expand and deepen the characteristic of involuntary memorization and highlight new features of arbitrary memorization.

IN this chapter, we will consider the data of the comparative study of involuntary and arbitrary memorization obtained in the semantic, but incoherent material, such as images of individual items, individual numbers, words, and so on.

IN the first of our study (1939), in addition to the two series of experiments described in Chapter III, two series of experiences on arbitrary memorization were held. Recall the technique of the first series to the involuntary memorization, with which we will compare the experiments with arbitrary memorization. The experimenter conventionally indicated on

table space for "kitchen", "Garden", "Children's room" and "courtyard" and offered to the subject to decompose pictures according to these places according to them. The pictures of everything was 15, of which 12 were easily distributed to the specified four groups, and three pictures that were not connected between their maintenance, the subjects were proposed to postpone into a separate group as "extra". In order for this task to make accessible to both preschoolers, experience with them was not in the form of a task for a classification, but in the form of a game in laying pictures for these places. The items depicted in the pictures were familiar for them (primus, apple, ball, dog, etc.). After laying the picture, the pictures were removed and the subjects were proposed to recall the depicted objects.

In two series on arbitrary memorization, the test was given another set of 15 pictures. Of these, 12 pictures also could easily be classified into four groups of three pictures in each: 1) means of movement - bus, tram, steam locomotive; 2) vegetables - carrots, cucumber, radish; 3) animals - hare, mouse, hedgehog; 4) Clothes - dress, pants, gloves. The last three pictures (as in experiments on involuntary memorization) were not connected with each other in content: balloons, a cup, floor brush.

Sets of pictures used in experiments on involuntary and arbitrary memorization were equivalent to both the nature of the items depicted on them and the possibilities of their classification. Control experiments have shown that the differences received in experiments on involuntary and arbitrary memorization were determined not by a set of pictures, but the features of the tasks that performed the tests with them.

IN both experiments on arbitrary memorization before the subject was set to remember as many pictures as possible. In one experience, the storage facility was laid out pictures for five groups: in four groups there were pictures related to content, in the fifth - different. Depending on the age of the subjects, the experimental conditions were explained more or less detail. Where it was necessary, the instruction was illustrated by examples in other pictures.

Experience was carried out as follows. After the instructions, all pictures unfolded on the table were immediately presented, without compliance with classification groups. The subject had to schedule these groups. Then the experimenter collected the pictures and the subject folded them into groups. During experience, the experimenter reminded that the pictures need to memorize.

IN another experience was also the task of remember, but the means of memorization was not specifically indicated; In order for the second experience, if possible to equalize the exposure time with the first experience, the subject first showed all the pictures, and then he put them out on the table. In both series, as in the experience

from involuntary memorization, pictures with the second presentation, as they are folded on the table, were all the time in the field of view of the subject.

IN further presentation two described experiences on arbitrary memorization, we will call this: Experience using classification -2nd series, and experience without the use of classification is the 3rd series.

To verify the results obtained in individual experiments, group experiments were conducted.

In the 2nd series of pictures, fixed on a special shield, showed a group of subjects all at once. The subjects outlined the classification groups and recorded the names of these groups on their sheets (transport, animals, etc.). Introducing the editorial pictures on one one, the experimenter called the sequence number of each picture, and the subjects recorded this number in the group where, in their opinion, should be attributed to this picture. For example, if the picture "locomotive" was presented to the third in order, then the number "three" was recorded in the "Transport" group, etc. When playing the subjects recorded on the sheets of pictures in any order.

In the 3rd series of pictures were also presented twice - first everything is immediately, and then one. In this case, the fixation of the procedure for presentation of the pictures was not conducted.

Table 14. Number and age composition of subjects in individual and group experiments

Table. 14 shows the number and age composition of the subjects covered by individual and group experiments.

The overall results of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of pictures are presented on Table. fifteen.

Table 15. Indicators of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of pictures (in the medium-ray)

We did not get absolute similarity in the results of individual and group experiments. It was difficult to expect it, since with all our attempts possible to more equalize the terms of the experiments, we could not do it completely. At the same time, the main trends in the results of the memorization in both cases are preserved: the lag of the 3rd series from the first two, age differences, etc. Due to the fact that the conditions for conducting individual experiments were better controlled than group, we consider the data of the first more reliable. We will mainly expose this data to be analyzed.

The main thing that distinguished our experiments is the nature of the tasks that determined the features of the activities of the subjects in their implementation. In the 1st series, the task was cognitive, not annemic character. In the 2nd and 3rd

the series was the same mnemic task, but the methods of its implementation were different: in the 2nd series, the subjects were prompted by such a means of memorization, as a classification, in the 3rd series, the tests were remembered as they could.

Compare, first of all, the results of involuntary memorization and arbitrary without the use of classification.

Fig. 13. Comparative curves of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of pictures

on the 1st and 3rd series of experiments

In fig. 13, where the memorization curves on the 1st and 3rd series are given, the explicit advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary in all groups of our tests is found. What is explained by this advantage?

In case of involuntary memorization, the subjects, classifying items depicted in the pictures, combined them into groups on meaningful semantic relations. In the arbitrary memorization such a sense

processing of objects was not due to the instructions of the experience. This reduced the memorization results, despite the fact that the subjects tried to remember.

Our explanation is correct, the following facts are convinced of us: where schoolchildren, and especially students, on their own initiative, applied the classification of pictures and in the third experience on an arbitrary memorization, which found themselves in a certain grouping of pictures, when playing, memorization there As a rule, it has increased. The possibilities of using classification and manifestations in this own initiative with age gradually increased. Therefore, the advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary gradually decreases with the increase in the age of our subjects.

This is clearly seen from the data table. sixteen.

We see that the advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary in middle preschoolers reaches 45%, then it gradually decreases to 15% in adults.

Thus, the comparison of the data of the 1st and 3rd series indicates that in cases where the involuntary memorization of a certain material is the result of a substantive active mental activity, it turns out to be more productive than an arbitrary, not based on the same meaningful processing material.

Table 16. The ratio of indicators of involuntary memorization (1st series) to the indicators of the arbitrary (3rd series) adopted for 100%

Under these conditions, the establishment for memorization, which does not support the effective methods of its implementation, gives smaller results than active content work on the material in the absence of such an installation.

This provision received a vivid expression also in one of the studies of Smirnov (1945). In one experiment, the subjects were offered to write 10-15 words under dictation, allegedly in order to study their handwriting; In another experience, the proven was read the same number of words and was offered following each word to pronounce any word for the mind aloud; In the third experience, the subjects had to respond to each word called the experimenter, not by any word, but associated with it in meaning. In all three cases, the memorization of words was involuntary. In addition, there was a regular experience on arbitrary memorization of the same amount and the same difficulty of words.

At the same time, no indications regarding the use of any methods of memorizing the subjects were not given.

The involuntary memorization turned out to be more productive than arbitrary, in the third experience, where the subjects set the meaningful links between words, showed great mental activity.

In another series of experiments, the subjects were suggested to read twice six printed phrases and say whether there are errors in them and how many of them were deliberately allowed spelling errors in five of them). In another experiment, the subjects were suggested to read two times six phrases and reply, whether phrases are correct in meaning. Then unexpectedly subjects were proposed to reproduce the phrase. The results of these experiments were compared with the results of arbitrary memorization of the same amount of similar phrases.

Incoming memorization and here it turned out to be more productive than arbitrary. In cases where involuntary memorization was more productive than arbitrary, it turned out to be the results of deferred reproduction, and more durable.

The facts described have, first of all, great practical importance. In psychology, an idea of \u200b\u200ban involuntary memory as a memory of a random, not having its own patterns has been established. The attention of the memory researchers was drawn almost exclusively to study arbitrary memorization. This determined in many respects and pedagogy of memory: it was believed that the consolidation of knowledge is carried out almost exclusively through random memorization and memorization. Meaning

it turns out that involuntary memorization under certain conditions may be more productive than arbitrary. This provision puts a new problem before pedagogy: the problem of the relationship of involuntary and arbitrary memory in the study activities of students, in the assimilation and consolidation of their knowledge.

On issues related to this problem, we will specifically focus in chapter XI.

The position in question has a large theoretical value. It opens up a new area and in memory history - the region of relationships, differences and communication of the two main genetic steps in its development - involuntary and arbitrary memory.

In the given data of our study, as in the experiments of Smirnov, the role of active, meaningful ways to work on the material with an involuntary memorization was compared with the effect of less active and meaningful ways to work on the material at random memorization. Under these conditions, involuntary memorization and turned out to be more productive than arbitrary memorization.

Even more important is the comparison of the data of the 1st and 2nd episodes of our experiments. In this case, involuntary and arbitrary memorization is compared in the conditions of the same method of working on the material - the classification of pictures. In the first series, the classification performed as a way to achieve a cognitive goal, in the second way - as a way to achieve an mnemic goal.

Different goals are something that, first of all, is distinguished by involuntary memorization from arbitrary. Therefore, in this respect, these two types of memorization and cannot be equalized. Another thing about how to achieve the goal. It is known that arbitrary memory is characterized by logical processing of material for memorization. As its methods, such techniques are used as analysis and synthesis, abstraction and generalization, comparison, etc. But these methods are at the same time with the techniques of thinking, understanding, comprehending various material. So, ways to work on the material is what binds, unites involuntary and arbitrary memorization. At the same time, based on undoubted differences in cognitive and molemic purposes, it should be thought that the use of identical ways to achieve different goals should be different and a number of features.

We consider the path of comparative study of involuntary and random memorization in conditions identical ways to work on the material

the main and most fruitful to clarify both the differences between them and the patterns of their connection. First, this path makes it possible to identify differences in involuntary and random memorization depending on the features functioninga certain method of working on the material in one case as a method of cognitive, and in another - mesmerous action.

Secondly, it makes it possible in experiments with testing different ages to identify differences between involuntary and arbitrary memorization in

depending on the formation of cognitive and mesmerous action. After all, the differences in these two types of memorization cannot remain unchanged at all stages of the mental development of the child. Different levels of mastering the subjects of different ages with certain methods of working on the material to achieve a cognitive and mnemonic goal will also cause changes in the relationship between involuntary and arbitrary memorization.

These two tasks answered the 1st and 2nd series of our experiments. Analysis of the classification as a method of cognitive action in the first experiment and as a method of mesmerous action - in the second experiment, it makes it possible to identify differences in involuntary and random memorization depending on the characteristics of the functioning of the same method in the conditions of achieving different goals - cognitive and mesmerous. On the other hand, a wide age-related composition of the subjects in these series, from medium-sized preschool workers to adults, allows you to trace the overall way to form a classification and as a cognitive action, and as a memory method, and in connection with this, the main changes in the involuntary and random memorization in the process of them development.

Let us turn to the facts received in the 1st and 2nd series of experiments.

In fig. 14 shows the curves of involuntary and random memorization according to the 1st and 2nd series.

The ratio of these curves is different than according to the 1st and 3rd series (see Fig. 13).

Fig. 14. Comparative curves involuntary and arbitrary memorization of pictures

on the 1st and 2nd series of experiments

In this case, we also received another percentage ratio of the productivity of involuntary memorization to arbitrary than when comparing the 1st and 3rd series. It acts brightly and in the data Table. 17.

Table 17. The ratio of indicators of involuntary memorization of the pictures (1st series) to the random memorization indicators with the classification (2nd series) and without classification (3rd series). Random memorization indicators (2nd and 3rd series) adopted for 100%

In both cases, the overall is that the younger subjects involuntary memorization is much more productive than arbitrary. However, when comparing the data of the 1st and 3rd series, the involuntary memorization carried out in the process of classifying pictures does not lose its advantage over arbitrary, not based on the same kind of work with the material. This advantage only gradually decreases from preschoolers to students (145-115%).

We discover more complex dynamics in the ratio of the productivity of both types of memorization in the conditions of the same methods of work on the material. In this case, the ratio of productivity varies from the moment in which the involuntary memorization detects its maximum advantage in medium preschoolers, until the moment when this advantage is fully lost at medium school students and students (200-94%). It indicates the presence of complex connections and relations between involuntary and arbitrary memorization, and not the same in different stages of their development. They are associated with the peculiarities of the process of mastering cognitive and molemic actions by different age groups of our subjects.

To clarify these features, we turn to the analysis of the activities of the subjects in the 1st, 2nd and 3rd series of experiments.

Classification, as a cognitive action, we tried to organize and in children from 2.5 to 4 years in the form of a game of folding pictures at certain places on the table ("Kitchen", "Garden", "Children's room" and "Dvor"). As a rule, we did not manage to do, with the exception of some cases with the children of 4 years of age. Children under 4 years at best took this task only with

external: they simply laid out pictures without taking into account their content. Moreover, even such a decline did not communicate until the end. The assistance of the experimenter usually did not lead to positive results. All the attention of children was absorbed by considering individual pictures, manipulating with them. Children of this age remembered on average 4 pictures. Of course, the memorization and in these cases was not the result of a simple mechanical capture. It was the result of the activity of the children they showed to pictures in the process of examining, manipulation, the name of their word, etc. It is possible that the children remembered more pictures, but they did not know how to recall them even at the request of the experimenter. So the situation with children under 4 years old.

Most of the middle preschool children performed the task of the 1st series, but only with the experimenter systematically rendered. A smaller part of children, preferably a five-year-old age, demanded only a detailed explanation of the task, one or two examples, in the future it was carried out, as a rule, independently. True, children often laid out pictures on external signs, and not by their content. However, the experimenter's instructions in these cases were understood and errors were corrected. It can be said that the children of mid-preschool age have already cope with this task with the help of the experimenter and with great interest performed it in the gaming situation.

Senior preschoolers relatively easily understood the task (content of the game) and, as a rule, they independently performed it. Less often there were errors in attributing pictures to given groups. However,

the execution of this task required an active mental work from them.

Junior schoolchildren, as trial experiences showed, this task was easily fulfilled not only in the situation of the game in folding pictures at the specified places, but also in the form of performing the actual cognitive task for their classification. Moreover, they coped with this task and in cases where the classification groups were not given in the finished form, and they needed to determine the test. These children detect further improvement of the classification as a cognitive action. Mastering this action on the material of this difficulty can be considered ending towards the end of this age, i.e. At schoolchildren IV class.

The main thing is that in our experiments distinguishes medium schoolchildren and even more adults from younger students,

- This is the development of this kind of action. At medium schoolchildren and adults, it was carried out quickly based on a fleet orientation, often not to one, but to several pictures at once. The use of the classification with respect to such material, which it was in our experiments, was already too easy task for these subjects.

The described features of the task in the 1st series by various age groups of the subjects provide the basis to allocate three main stages in the formation of a classification as a cognitive action.

1. The initial stage of mastering the cognitive effect. We observed it mostly at medium preschoolers. At this stage, the action can not yet be carried out independently, it must be organized from the outside in all its links and details.

Classification takes place in the form of a detailed, detailed action. The attribution of each picture is accompanied by a detailed judgment, expressed frequently out loud or whisper. External visual conditions of the organization and the flow of cognitive action are of great importance. Such conditions in our experiments were spatially limited space on the table, for which children laid out pictures; Ready-made designations of these places ("kitchen", "Garden", etc.), the possibility of practical decay in places. The classification in the form of internal mental class attribution to certain groups planned only in the mind, there was still little accessible to this age.

2. The stage of improvement in mastering a cognitive effect. This stage can be attributed to the senior preschoolers. Here, classification is carried out as an independent cognitive effect. Children themselves combined pictures in groups, established relations between them. However, in senior preschoolers, the classification is still in the form of a detailed action. Each picture requires an active orientation, special comprehension. Therefore, the activities of the subjects generally continues to develop as it were from individual, private action.

3. The stage of complete mastering cognitive effect. Such mastery was in junior schoolchildren, especially by the end of this age. The action becomes more and more rolled in its composition, the attribution of pictures to groups occurs quickly. External experimental conditions fully lose their value: classification groups are well held in mind. At this stage, the classification performed in the form of a generalized principle

actions capable of applying to different concrete material. This created greater freedom to apply the classification.

Since mastering the classification as a cognitive effect has been completed on the material of our experiments already among younger students, then in the activities of secondary schoolchildren, and even more so in adults, we did not observe any new qualitative features. It is possible to note only a greater coaling of action, even greater speed, freedom and ease of its implementation.

With the stages described above in mastering the classification as a cognitive effect directly associated with changes in the productivity of involuntary memorization from different age groups.

We noted that younger preschoolers could not cope with the task of classifying pictures and then when it was carried out in the form of the game. Help these children did not lead to positive results. Under these conditions, the orientation arising from children to pictures, regardless of the game, which "did not go," led to the memorization of the average of 4 pictures. A sharp increase in memorization to 9.8 give medium preschoolers. It is associated with the initial stage of mastering the classification. At the second stage, the stage of improving cognitive action - we no longer observe such a sharp jump in increasing memorization from senior preschoolers, which is found in the transition from complete inability to classify from younger preschoolers to the initial skill in medium preschoolers. Here, the memorization rate increases from 9.8 to 11.1. In the third stage

- stage full mastering classification - memorization of younger schoolchildren continues to rise, reaching

13. After complete mastering, the classification is completed as a cognitive effect, mainly and the increase in memorization: among medium schoolchildren, compared with the younger schoolchildren, the memorization increases only from 13 to 13.4. Adults, compared with the average schoolchildren, even slightly reduce memorization - from 13.4 to 13.2.

If you accept the average memorization rate of each previous age group for 100%, then the increase in percentages in each subsequent group will be expressed in the following indicators: in middle preschoolers - 240%, from senior preschoolers - 115.6%, from younger students

- 116.2%, at medium schoolchildren - 100.3% and in adults - 98.5%. We see that the greatest increase in involuntary memorization falls on the initial stage of the formation of cognitive action, the product of which it is. In the second and third stages, the memorization increases is already less intense. By the end of the third stage, the growth of memorization productivity, mainly ends. Moreover, our adult subjects have a tendency to reduce memorization compared to the average schoolchildren. It can be said that this trend is an adequate indicator that this cognitive effect in its formation has reached the level of not only skills, but also skill. It begins to lose the character of specially targeted action and does not require it therefore for its implementation of special mental activity. This explains the tendency to reduce memorization productivity.

Of course, we are talking about the completion of the formation of a classification relative to the material of a certain complexity, such as it was in our experiments.

There is no doubt that the classification of complex material, difficult and for adults, would flow again by type of active targeted action. In this case, a tendency to reduce memorization could also be shown.

Consider now, as the process of mastering the classification as a method of arbitrary memorization or otherwise: how is the classification as a mnemic effect?

Let us dwell and here first on the description of the activities of different age groups of the subjects in the 2nd series of experiments.

The activities of medium preschool children in the 2nd series was similar to the activities of junior preschoolers in the 1st series of experiments. The task of remembering the cards using them in groups for the best memorization to be unavailable for medium preschoolers as well as the cognitive task for the classification of pictures for younger preschoolers. True, the challenge itself is to remember, without the classification of pictures, most of the middle preschoolers were accepted. In this we were convinced, watching their activities in the 3rd series. They actively peered into certain pictures, many of them loud or whisper repeated their names; They took it easily and the task remember the pictures, which indicated that their active perception of pictures and repeated progress of names were focused on this task. We were seen in the 2nd series, but these techniques were not associated with the classification. Stimulation of the experimenter tested by the experimenter to apply the classification to memorize the implementation of the implementation of those simple memorization techniques to which they were already capable of. The experimental assistance led to the fact that they were in

the best case was included in the execution of this cognitive problem, but then the remembrance task was completely lost. The classification could not be used by average preschoolers as a memorization method because it was just beginning to be formed as a cognitive effect. Therefore, the assistance of the experimenter could lead to positive results in the formation of classification only as cognitive, rather than mnemonic action.

The activities of senior preschoolers in the 2nd series proceeded differently. First of all, they better took the task to remember the pictures, often showing her living interest and readiness to perform it. For them there was a sink and cognitive task for the classification of pictures. However, the use of classification as a means of memorization caused their difficult difficulties as a means of memorization, because the classification itself, as a cognitive action, demanded from them intense mental activity, special mental efforts. In this regard, she completely absorbed the attention of the subjects, displaced and slowed down the mnemic challenge. Reminded by the test on the need to memorize pictures at the time when they declined them to groups, usually led to the fact that they stopped for some time laying and again, re-examined the pictures, trying to remember each of them separately. The activities of the tests in the experiment all the time were split, they alternately performed two tasks

- Cognitive and mnemic. When they classified pictures, at this time, how would you forget to remember, when after reminders of the experimenter, they tried to memorize - they stopped

classify. Only among individual children-seven-year-old task was remeasured. But in these cases, the split activity remained: the decay of the pictures was interconnected with their browsing.

Thus, the senior preschoolers, coping with the classification of pictures, could not even subjugate its mnemonic task. This task was performed more affordable for them - a simple repetition. However, it is important to note that the test ages, especially children from 6 to 7 years old, understood and took the task of the 2nd series, i.e. What you need to put pictures in order to better remember them. They actively tried to do this, but they came up on the difficulties mentioned above. The fact that this task was understood and accepted by the subjects of this age, testifies to the fact that many of them used the classification during reproduction. Moreover, in some cases, this use was quite informed, children as if planned their remember: "Now I remember what pictures I put here," in the kitchen ", and then what to other places."

So, the senior preschoolers took the task of using the classification in order to memorize, they tried to implement it, but the level of mastering the classification as a cognitive effect was still insufficient for subordination to its molemic purposes.

At schoolchildren of class II, we have observed more serious difficulties in using classification in order to memorize. To even greater, they were characteristic of first-graders, in which we were convinced of another study that was held later on this technique, but for other purposes (about the results of this study we will talk in the chapter XI books). These difficulties were called

in the fact that both schoolchildren of the I-II classes perform the classification as a cognitive action continued to still require special mental activity, it continued to wear a fairly detailed character.

Students III and moreover, IV classes fully mastered the classification as a cognitive effect and could apply it as a memory method. They, as a rule, did not observe the split operations on the cognitive and mnemic, the classification was clearly subordinate to the mnemic goal. Reproduction of pictures has always been carried out by groups. The application of the classification for memorization purposes no longer required such mental efforts, stressful attention, as in schoolchildren I and II classes. After graduation, the subjects usually examined the pictures, and no longer each separately, and the educated groups of them. The process of random memorization using the classification was faster; The mesmerous action began to shrink, communicate and acquire relative freedom in its implementation.

At the eve of school age, the process of mastering the classification as a way of random memorization was completed. Applying a classification for memorization purposes not only did not cause difficulties, it was carried out quickly, freely, easily. When you first show all the pictures, the subjects quickly discovered all the groups for which they should be distributed. With repeated presentation of the picture, they laid out in groups often not one, but several at once.

In adult subjects, we did not observe any significant differences in activities compared with the average schoolchildren, except for even greater freedom and

easy in applying classification for memorization.

The described features of the activities of the tests of different ages in the second series of experiments provide grounds to allocate in the formation of the classification as a mesmerous action three stages similar to those planned in the formation of classification as a cognitive action.

On the initial stage of the formation of mnemical action in the conditions of the 2nd series of our experiments, we can speak only about the senior preschoolers. These subjects, we have noted an understanding of the task, readiness to perform it, the presence of already relatively formed ability to classify in cognitive purposes, finally, initial samples of applying classification in molemic purposes. The main signs of this stage is the extreme detail, exploration, small generalization of mnemonic action, and in connection with this, great difficulties in its implementation.

The second stage is the stage of improving the meremic action - covers younger students. The main signs of this stage, with sufficient evidence of protruding only at the end of it, are: the upcoming abbreviation, generalization and relative freedom in the implementation of mnemical action.

The third stage, which we observed at the end of the middle school age, is characterized by a complete mastering of the classification as an mnemic effect. Here it acquired the character of the rolled, generalized action and, because of this freedom and ease of its implementation. Adults can talk about

turning this skill to a kind of mnemic skill.

With the three stages of mastering the classification as a mesmerous action, changes in the productivity of arbitrary memorization of various ages in the second series of experiments are naturally linked.

In medium preschool children, we could not organize an arbitrary memorization with the use of classification even in its most initial form. Under these conditions, children remembered an average of 4.8 pictures. A sharp increase in memorization from 4.8 to 8.7 we received from the senior preschoolers at the initial stage of mastering molemic actions. In the future, the memorization continues to rise, but not in such a sharp form: at the second stage, younger schoolchildren increase from 8.7 to 12.4, and at the third stage at medium schoolchildren from 12.4 to 14.3. After completing the mastering of the mnemic effect, we not only did not receive further growth in the memorization in adult subjects, but, on the contrary, it was discovered a minor decline - from 14.3 to 14.1.

If there is an average memorization rate of each previous age group for 100%, then the increase in percentages in each subsequent group will be expressed in the following indicators: in middle preschoolers - 180.1%, from younger students - 142.5%, at medium schoolchildren - 115.3% and in adults - 98.6%. We see that the greatest increase in arbitrary memorization as well as involuntary, falls at the first stage of the formation, but now no longer cognitive, and mnemonic action. In the second and third stages, the memorization increase is already less

intensive. By the end of the third stage, the growth of memorization productivity is mainly completed.

In the process of forming a classification of both cognitive and mesmerous action, a certain connection is found and the dependence of mnemic action from cognitive. The monkered effect is the same main stages as cognitive, but passing them after a cognitive effect, lagging behind him all the time as if one step. Cognitive effect, forming, prepares the necessary conditions for the formation of mnemical action.

The initial age group of the subjects in our experiments were younger preschoolers. Here we could not organize the classification of pictures despite the fact that the experiments were carried out in the game situations and in the presence of an experimenter. The initial stage in the formation of cognitive action we found at the middle preschoolers. However, the use of it as a method of mesmerous action turned out to be impossible because the action itself was just beginning to develop. The prerequisite for the initial use of cognitive action in order to memorize is a certain level of its development. Such a development occurs at the second stage of its formation. By virtue of this, the first stage of the meremic action begins from the second stage of the formation of cognitive action in medium-sized preschool children. However, the implementation of mnemic

actions at the first stage of its formation causes even more difficulties, since the cognitive effect itself is still unfolded, detailed, not generalized. It pronounced the informative focus, requiring from the test active, focused attention. The coming coaling, generalization, some automation of cognitive action at the third stage of its formation in younger students create the necessary freedom to use it as a method of mnemic action. This characterizes the second stage in its formation. Finally, at the third stage, the monkered effect itself, the senior schoolchildren reaches a high level of generalization, becomes minimized and acquires complete freedom in its implementation.

The sequence of stages in the formation of cognitive and mesmerous actions is presented in Table. 18. There are also data on the growth rates of the productivity of involuntary and arbitrary memorization, where the memorization rate of each subsequent age group is given as a percentage in relation to the previous group.

We see that the greatest increase in both types of memorization falls at the first stage of the formation of both cognitive and mnemonic action.

Table 18. Stages of formation of cognitive and mesmerous actions and growth rates of the productivity of involuntary and arbitrary memorization. The indicators of each subsequent age group are given as a percentage of the indicators of the previous group adopted for 100%

With the completion of the formation of these actions at the third stage, the productivity of memorization is no longer increasing.

The natural link and the dependence of the formation of mnemic effect on cognitive generates and regular dynamics in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and random memorization at different stages of their development. This dynamics is presented in Table. eighteen.

Middle preschoolers are located at the first stage of the formation of classification as cognitive

actions and zero, if you can say so to speak, the stage of formation of the mnemonic action. Under these conditions, the advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary turns out to be particularly significant, it is expressed in 200%.

Senior preschoolers are at the second stage of the formation of the cognitive and at the first stage of mnemonic action. Under these conditions, the advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary remains even significant - 126%.

For younger students, the third stage of cognitive action with the second stage of mesmerous action correlate. Under these conditions, an insignificant advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary (105%) is still preserved.

Finally, at average schoolchildren and in adults correlate cognitive and mesmerous actions in both cases at the third stage of their formation. Only under these conditions is a fracture in the ratio of memorization productivity: arbitrary memorization becomes more productive.

After comparative analysis of the 1st and 2nd series, the data of the 1st and 3rd series are becoming even more understandable and the comparative analysis of the 1st and 3rd series.

What explains the differences in the relationship between the productivity of involuntary memorization with arbitrary in the 1st and 3rd series? The differences in question, pronounced when comparing the curves presented in Figures 13, 14 and 15 (p. 253, 257, 270), as well as data Table. 17 (p. 258).

Fig. 15. Comparative arbitrary memorization curves on the 2nd and 3rd series of experiments

The involuntary memorization retained its advantage in productivity in all our subjects from medium preschoolers to adults only with respect to random memorization in the 3rd series. It is explained by the inequality of ways to work on the material: the involuntary memorization was based on the classification, the choice of arbitrary memorization methods was submitted to the subject. These ways undoubtedly improved with age, so the advantage of involuntary memorization gradually became becoming less. It is characteristic that from the very beginning in middle preschoolers, this advantage turns out to be much less compared to how it is when comparing the data of the 1st and 2nd series. This is explained by the fact that in the 3rd series these subjects remembered as they knew how, in the 2nd series, the classification, with complete inability to use it, prevented using and accessible methods for them. Therefore, in the 3rd series they remembered better than in the 2nd.

A completely different picture of the relationship of involuntary and random memorization in the 1st and 2nd

series. From the very beginning, medieval preschoolers have the advantage of involuntary memorization is very large (200%) due to the full inability of these subjects to use the classification for memorization. But already at the senior preschoolers, this advantage drops sharply - from 200 to 126%, and the younger students - up to 105%, due to the fact that both the classification are more or less use in random memorization.

Completely mastering the classification as a mnemical agent and leads to the fact that now an arbitrary memorization becomes more productive than involuntary.

So, with the same ways to work on the material, an arbitrary memorization, provided that in complete mastering, these methods are more productive than involuntary. Only under these conditions, a specially mnemicode plays a decisive role in using certain ways to work on the material.

In three series of our experiments, an arbitrary memorization of the 2nd series turned out to be the most productive. It turned out to be more productive than involuntary memorization in the 1st series, because it is arbitrary. It turned out to be more productive than random memorization in the 3rd series, because it relied on such a substantial means as classification (see

However, it became more productive not immediately, but only at a certain stage of its formation as complex mnemic effect. Compared to involuntary, it became more productive than its average schoolchildren. Compared with arbitrary

remembering in the 3rd series, it becomes more productive with senior preschoolers, and its advantage in the future turns out to be much larger, since in the 3rd series the memorization did not relieve on the classification

(See Fig. 15).

Fig. 16. Comparative curves of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd series within each age group of subjects

Thus, the most productive in our experiments was an arbitrary memorization in the 2nd series, based on the classification. At the same time, it turned out to be the most difficult for mastering. Therefore, it passes the most difficult path in its formation. This path is graphically presented in Fig. sixteen.

W. middle preschoolers arbitrary memorization inThe 2nd series is the least productive.

W. senior preschoolers it lags significantly behind involuntary memorization, but already begins to overtake an arbitrary memorization, how it was in3rd series.

For younger schoolchildren, it catch up with involuntary memorization. Finally, at average schoolchildren, it becomes the most productive.

We will summarize the results of a comparative study of involuntary memorization obtained by us in this study.

1. Incoming memorization when comparing it with arbitrary in the initial stages of the formation of the latter is more productive.

2. Incoming memorization more productive than arbitrary in conditions when it relies on more substantive ways to work with the material than arbitrary.

3. In the conditions of the same ways to work with the material, the involuntary memorization retains its advantage until the cognitive effect underlying it is completely not mastered as a method of mesmer.

4. In the formation of cognitive and mesmerous actions, three common phases can be distinguished: the initial stage, the stage of improving the actions and the stage of complete mastering them.

5. Between the stages of the formation of cognitive and mesmerous actions there is a natural relationship and dependence. The mnemonic effect is formed on the basis of informative: the latter prepares the necessary soil and the conditions for increasingly mastering the cognitive effect as a method of meremic action. In this regard, the monkered effect in its formation

pologmodarily lags on one stage from the formation of cognitive action.

The provisions listed in paragraphs 1 and 2 of our conclusions flow out of the facts not only of this study, but also the facts received later in our research and other authors; They can be considered firmly established and proven.

Regarding the provisions listed in paragraphs 3, 4 and 5, especially important to the characteristics of the relationship between involuntary and random memorization in the process of their formation, the question arises: do they have a general meaning, or are they explained only by the terms of the experiments of this study?

The answer to this question will be given below.

The above-mentioned provisions required checks on another material, with other ways to work with them, on other cognitive and molemic tasks. Such an audit was carried out by us as an additional task in one study on the study of the impact of motives for the involuntary memorization set out in Chapter VI. The results of this study relating to the characteristic of the effects of the methods of activity on involuntary memorization are also set forth in Chapter V. There is also a detailed method for experiments on involuntary memorization, so here we will limit ourselves to a brief reminder of it.

Test schoolchildren II, V classes and students were offered to each of the 15 specified words to come up

his word. Invented words in three series of experiments were to communicate in different ways with the proposed words (inventing the words "communication", "according to the properties" and "on the initial letter"). The execution of these tasks was motivated for schoolchildren II and V classes checking their skills to think correctly, for students - the need to collect material to characterize the processes of thinking.

IN three series of experiments on an arbitrary memorization of 15 similar words, we offered to the test for the best memorization of every word also to associate with the words invented in one series in one series - "by relations", in the other - "according to the properties" and in the third - "on the initial letter".

Such a construction of experiments was due to the task of this study. First, we wanted to compare the productivity of involuntary and arbitrary memorization on another material in the conditions of the same ways to work on it. Secondly, trace how the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and random memorization will change with three ways of communication of words demanding from subjects of different thinking and mesmerous activity. Thirdly, we set our task to check the previously obtained patterns of formation of cognitive and mesmerous actions on other, similar, but varying degrees of complexity, actions. Each series of experiments participated 15-20 subjects of each age group.

IN only the results of the playback of the specified words will be analyzed, since they were the same for all subjects. The results are presented on Table. nineteen.

Table 19. Indicators of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of words in three series of experiments

(in the medium-wing)

Causes of differences in the productivity of involuntary memorization in three series of our experiments, we figured out in detail in the V Chapter. They are due to the peculiarities of the three ways to communicate words demanding from our subjects of different in the degree of activity and the content of mental processes.

This pattern is also manifested in random memorization: and here the most productive turned out to be the 1st series, and the least productive - 3rd series.

Fig. 17. The curves of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of words in the 1st, 2nd and 3rd series of experiments

Differences in the productivity of the series more pronounced in an involuntary memorization. It is clearly visible in Fig. 17, where Table data are graphically presented. 19. Breeding curves in an involuntary memorization is much more than in an arbitrary, especially between the curves of the 1st and 2nd, on the one hand, and the curve of the 3rd series - on the other.

Consequently, the advantage of meaningful, semantic links between words compared to low-consuming, external relations is particularly found in involuntary memorization.

Fig. 18. The ratio of indicators of involuntary and random memorization in the 1st and 2nd series to the 3rd series indicators adopted for 100%

In the arbitrary memorization of senior subjects and these external relations are used quite effectively. In fig. 18 The ratio of indicators of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of the 1st and 2nd episodes to the indicators of the 3rd series adopted for 100% are given.

A significant reduction in the advantages of the 1st and 2nd series over the 3rd in random memorization compared to how it is expressed in an involuntary, is due to the fact that external communications between words were used in random memorization. This fact suggests, on the one hand, on a special meaning of meaningful connections for involuntary memorization (as we have already spoken in detail in chapter V) and, on the other, on the specific features of the mnemical action, which, in contrast to cognitive action, allows you to productively use Only semantic, internal connections between objects, but also the connection is external.

Let us turn to the differences in this chapter of interest in this chapter on the productivity of involuntary and random memorization and to analyzes the reasons that cause these differences. In this regard, the data of the table is important. twenty.

Table 20. The ratio of indicators of involuntary memorization of words to the random memorization indicators adopted for 100%

The following facts are noteworthy in these data: first, the pronounced advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary schools in class II on the 1st and 2nd series of experiments (195% and 152%); secondly, a significant reduction in this advantage among schoolchildren V class in the same series (117% and 116%); Thirdly, the loss of this advantage in the same series of students (87% and 88%); Finally, the fourth, the lack of the advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary on the 3rd series in class II schoolchildren (100%) and a significant advantage of arbitrary memorization over involuntary in the same series in schoolchildren V classroom and students: Incultural memorization indicators are only 76 % u

schoolchildren of a class and 64% - students in relation to random memorization indicators.

Thus, in this study, we obtained a certain dynamics in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and arbitrary memorization (see

Fig. 19. Curves of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of words in the 1st, 2nd and 3rd series

In these experiments, the subjects dealt with three types of ties between words that demanded that they apply more or less complex mental actions. In this regard, we got different dynamics in the ratio of involuntary and random memorization. However, despite the fact that the specific expression of this dynamics is different in different series, general trends in it are similar, since the reasons caused by it, the same. They are associated with the peculiarities of the formation of cognitive and molemic actions and with those connections and dependencies

between them, which are discovered in experiments with the classification of the pictures described by us above.

To confirm this, we turn to the analysis of the activities of the subjects of different ages in different series of our experiments. Let us dwell first on the comparative analysis of both types of memorization from schoolchildren II class.

How to explain to reduce productivity of arbitrary memorization compared to involuntary almost twice in the 1st series and one and a half times in the 2nd series?

Differences in experiments consisted only that with involuntary memorization, the subjects performed the informative task, and at random memorization - the mnemic. These features led to the different nature of the activities of the tests. This is associated with differences in the productivity of involuntary and arbitrary memorization.

In the experiments on the involuntary memorization, the activities of schoolchildren II flowed outwardly calmly, differed by the collaboration, a single focus on the content of the tasks being performed. In experiments on arbitrary memorization, it was characterized by unbalanced, splitting. Despite the pronounced installation on the memorization at the beginning of the experience, the tests, starting to invent words, soon as it were forgotten that it was necessary at the same time to remember the words presented by the experimenter. Their consciousness was completely absorbed by the act of thinking of words. The experimental was accounted for over the experience several times to remind the test words about the need to remember the words. Without these reminders, we would rather deal soon with

involuntary memorization than arbitrary. Reminders led to the fact that the tests were repeated in a whisper or to themselves preceding the word. However, in the course of the experiment, they were forced to leave the repetition and again invent the next word. This circumstance and caused a picture of unbalanced, division in their activities.

Thus, in schoolchildren of the II grade, the words inventing words continued to act as an independent effect and could not be a way of arbitrary memorization. They were forced to implement two actions at the same time: invent and memorize words. Under these conditions, the installation for memorization could not be implemented sufficiently. Because of this, the meaningful links between the words set in the process of inventing words were not used for memorization purposes, such an effective memory method was often replaced by a simple repetition of couples of words.

In itself, inventing the words "on relations", as well as "according to the properties", did not cause schoolchildren of the II class of difficulties. It was available under the well-known conditions, as shown by our experiments, and senior preschool children. This is also evidenced by the relatively high productivity of involuntary memorization when the children of the age of cognitive tasks are fulfilled, where the words came up with an independent, cognitive effect. But in order for these mental processes to act as a memory method, a higher level of mastering them is needed. Only under these conditions, the installation on memorization can realize its advantage associated with the establishment of meaningful semantic

relations between words before in such a way, how simple repetition is.

So, almost a double decrease in the productivity of random memorization compared to the involuntary class II schoolchildren arose for the following reason: a cognitive effect aimed at establishing semantic ties between words, could not sufficiently perform the function of memorizing a method by virtue of the insufficient level of mastering this action.

It is natural to expect that in the future such actions will be improved, as a result of which it will be possible to use them as a way to memorize, which will lead to an increase in the productivity of arbitrary memorization, and thus to change its ratio with involuntary memorization. In order to confirm the presence of such a tendency, we conducted experiments on the same material with students V classroom and students.

At schoolchildren V class in the 1st and in the 2nd series, i.e. Where the most informative links between words were established, an arbitrary memorization continued to be less productive than involuntary (see Fig. 19). But the fact that the advantage of involuntary memorization over arbitrary these subjects is dramatically declining sharply compared with what we have in class II schoolchildren (on the 1st series - from 195% to 117% and in the 2nd series - from 152% Up to 116%), suggests that the level of mastering the action on the establishment of meaningful connections in schoolchildren V class has increased dramatically and at the same time the possibility of using this action as a method of arbitrary memorization.

This is convinced of us not only the quantitative indicators of memorization, but also the change in the nature of these schoolchildren. We have not observed the manifestations of impassional, the division of activity in such a brightest form, as was the place of class II schoolchildren. We did not have to remind the test on the need to memorize words. If at schoolchildren of the second class, we did not have a single case when the subject could remember more words at random memorization than with an involuntary, then at schoolchildren of class V class, we already had some cases when the subject reproduced more words at random memorization than in an incomplete memorial . However, there were few such cases, therefore the average random memorization indicators were even slightly slightly lower than the involuntary indicators.

We received a high level of mastering the most perfect way of memorization, although the fracture in this regard undoubtedly comes much earlier. We conducted experiences with individual schoolchildren of the VI-VII classes and found this fact with full obvious.

It is not difficult to catch the fundamental similarity in the formation of cognitive and mesmerous actions in our subjects in this study compared with the picture, which is described by us regarding the formation of actions related to the classification. And there, there are also the same three stages of the formation of a cognition: the stage of initial mastering, which we have already found already from senior preschoolers, the stage of improvement (in schoolchildren of class II) and the stage of complete mastering (already at schoolchildren V class). There are also three stages in the formation

multiemic action with the lag characteristic of it from the formation of cognitive action. The initial stage was found from schoolchildren of class II, the stage of improvement - at schoolchildren V class and, finally, the stage of complete mastering was found in the conditions of our experience in students.

The principal community in the stages of the formation of cognitive and mesmerous actions generates similarities in the dynamics of the ratio of productivity of involuntary and random memorization in both of our research. Not accidental is the similarity of the curves in the 1st and 2nd series of experiments of this study (Fig. 19) with the curves of experiments with the memorization of the pictures (Fig. 14, p. 257).

We traced changes in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary memorization according to the 1st and 2nd series of experiments. In principle, the same pattern acts in the memorization of the 3rd series. However, here we discover a new fact. It lies in the fact that in the 3rd series, arbitrary memorization is much earlier than the involuntary. While in the 1st and 2nd series, it clearly discovers its advantage in the conditions of our experiments only among students, in the 3rd series, an arbitrary memorization reaches the level of involuntary already among schoolchildren of class II; At schoolchildren V class and especially students, it already significantly exceeds the involuntary (see Table 20 and Fig. 20).

Fig. 20. Curves of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of words from schoolchildren II and V classes and students

This is explained by the fact that the establishment between the words of the external communication ("according to the initial letter") did not require from our subjects any complex intellectual operations. Therefore, the process of mastering the establishment of such a relationship between words, as a way of arbitrary memorization, was significantly easier and accelerated.

It is indicative that the most sharp breeding in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and arbitrary memorization we discover in extreme poles as a series of experiments and age groups of subjects. Involuntary memorization detects its advantage to the greatest extent in the 1st series among schoolchildren of the second class; The advantage of arbitrary memorization over involuntary turns out to be the largest in the 3rd series of students.

FROM one side: more informative links between words in1st series than in the 2nd and 3rd, demanded greater mental activity from schoolchildren of class II. This made it difficult to master the establishment of these connections as a method of arbitrary memorization, which led to a sharp decline. The establishment of these same relations, who spent in the form of independent cognitive actions, turned out to be in involuntary memorization of the most productive. This explains the fact that it was in the 1st series that the schoolchildren of the II class II should have an involuntary memorization turned out to be almost two times more productive than arbitrary.

FROM the other side: external communications between words inThe 3rd series in the presence of an installation on memorization and ability to memorize turned out to be quite effective. Students with the help of these connections remembered almost three and a half times more than schoolchildren of class II (2.8 and 9.4). But in the involuntary memorization, the establishment of such a relationship between words was the least productive. This explains what exactly in the 3rd series and it is from students that the arbitrary memorization was one and a half times more productive than involuntary.

Thus, in this study, we got a similar dynamics in the ratio of the productivity of involuntary and random memorization compared

from former research: First, an involuntary memorization is more productive, and then arbitrary. And here this dynamics is due to the natural lag behind the formation of mnemical action from the formation of cognitive. At the same time, the data of this study not only confirmed the pattern marked by us, but also expanded it: an arbitrary memorization is ahead of involuntary, the faster than

less complicated, and therefore, more easily for mastering is the cognitive effect used as a method of arbitrary memorization (see Fig. 19 and 20).

It is important for the characteristics of the most arbitrary memorization is that its productivity varies depending on the degree of difficulty in mastering a certain way of remembering. This provision has found confirmation in other facts received.

We had an additional three series of experiments: the subjects were given to memorize ready-made couples related between themselves, as well as in the three main series for arbitrary memorization (where these links were established by the subjects themselves during the inventing words). Thus, additional series differed from the main only in that they eliminated the moment of independent inventing words. Experiments were held with schoolchildren II and V classes. The results of these experiments are presented in Table. 21.

Table 21. The ratio of indicators of arbitrary memorization of ready-made words of words to random memorization indicators in the main series of experiments adopted for 100%

We see that schoolchildren of the II class remembering ready-made words of words turned out to be more productive than

memorization in the same series of words in humiliating words. It turned out to be more productive because with the elimination of the moment of independence in establishing the connection between the words, the mastery of these connections as a way to memorize was much easier. True, with the elimination of the active element of the inventing words, the establishment of semantic links as a means of memorization lost its advantage. But for schoolchildren II class II, partial loss of such a quality of memorization method with interest was compensated by a greater accessibility in its use.

Schoolchildren of the class V class memorization of the finished couples turned out to be less productive than their own. The high level in mastering the memorization methods allowed them to use the advantage of independent inventing words.

Thus, the process of formation of cognitive and mesmerous actions, according to our research, is the following way: from a targeted, deployed and not yet summarized action to abbreviated, generalized action. This is a common way to turn targeted action in a more or less automated skill. Leontyev wrote about him as follows: "For the development of cognitive operations, it is characteristic, as experimental studies show that any conscious operation is first formed as actions and otherwise it cannot arise. Conscious operations are formed first as targeted processes that can only be in

some cases acquire the form of intellectual skills "(1945).

However, due to the fact that we in our studies traced the formation of cognitive actions and the process of mastering them as methods of mesmerous actions, we managed to open a complex picture of relations and dependencies in this formation.

Mower effect is based on cognitive effect. But it is more complex in its structure than the latter: including in itself and maintaining cognitive orientation in the material, it is at the same advantage of this orientation of the mnemic installation of a certain degree of formation of cognitive action is a prerequisite for the formation of mnemonic action. This explains the fact that the mnemonic effect is lagging behind in its formation from cognitive; It is formed as if after a cognitive effect. For the same reason, the cognitive effect at the initial stage of its formation cannot still be used as a method of meremic action.

At the same time, the fact of the impossibility of combining these actions convincingly indicates the presence of specific features of cognitive and mesmerous purposes. In the cognitive effect, the activity of the subjects is aimed at identifying certain properties in subjects, relations and relations between them; In the mnemonic action, this activity shifts to capture. Only in the case when cognitive orientation can be carried out quickly, easily, without requiring independent purposeful action, it can be combined with mnemic orientation. Then cognitive

the action, losing its independence, is subject to the mnemic effect and performs the role of this action. In these cases, the cognitive orientation of the resulting, only meaning as the necessary initial moment for the mnemonic action, is actively conscious and controlled is the molemic orientation7. The initial mastering of the cognitive effect and its further improvement creates such conditions under which the subordination of its mnemical action becomes possible. Under these conditions, the mesmerous action is able to be carried out in the form of an independent, targeted action. Now the molemic orientation, based on the cognitive, can realize its specific features caused by the peculiarities of the mnemic goal. In the future, the very monkered effect, improving, reaches the degree of formation at which it can occur relatively easily and freely, acquiring the nature of the mnemic skill or skill.

This complex pattern of bonds and dependencies between cognitive and molemic activities in the process

their formations reflect the facts of our experiments with the classification of pictures and with the establishment of certain links between words. This complex pattern of the relationship between cognitive and mpmer actions is determined by regular relations in the dynamics of the productivity of involuntary and arbitrary memorization.

Let's summarize the brief results.

IN this chapter we outlined the data of a comparative study of involuntary and arbitrary memorization. This study was carried out under conditions of both different and the same for both types of memorization of ways to work on the material.

IN conditions when involuntary memorization relies on the content and active ways of work, it is more productive than arbitrary if the latter is carried out in the worst conditions in this regard. Incoming memory in conditions of meaningful mental operation can lead to better results than arbitrary memory, which is not sufficiently based on rational memorization. In itself, the absence or presence of the mnemonic installation does not solve the case. In memorization, the main ways are ways to work on the material. The mnemonic installation only then detects its advantage in memory before the cognitive installation, when it is implemented through rational memorization methods.

The main place in this chapter was allocated to the comparative study of involuntary and random memorization in the conditions of the same ways of work. These conditions are the main and most important to characterize the relationship of these two types of memorization, as the involuntary memorization is carried out mainly in cognitive activity, which is also usually acting as the most rational means, random memorization.

A comparative study of involuntary and arbitrary memorization made it possible to establish a complex and, as we think the main picture in the ratio of their productivity. This ratio is not constantly, and changeable: first, the involuntary memorization is more productive, then after a certain period of equilibrium it is inferior to random memorization, and this is happening, the more less difficult in its mental operations are ways of working on material.

The reasons for such dynamics are in the complex relations of emerging cognitive and mesmerous actions. This is evidenced by the described stages of such formation, the natural lag of molemic actions from cognitive.

The essential features of the involuntary and random memorization are that if a certain cognitive activity is needed for high productivity, then in random memorization, such activity can, under certain conditions, not only do not help, but to interfere with the memorization, interfere with the deployment of insurrection activity. This indicates the presence of specific features of the mnemonic installation and orientation in the material, mesmerous actions as a whole compared with cognitive installation and orientation, with a cognitive effect.

These issues will find their further coverage in Chapter VIII, where the results of a comparative study of involuntary and arbitrary memorization of the text will be presented, as well as in chapter IX, specially devoted to the study of the features of mnemic and cognitive orientation in the material.


1. Arbitrary and involuntary memorization
  • Arbitrary memorization


1. Total characteristic

1

2. Wides of the mnemonic orientation

3

3. Sources of mnemonic orientation

7

4.motims of memorization and their influence on its productivity

8

  • Incoming memorization

1. Dependency of involuntary memorization of activity

10


2. dependence of involuntary memorization from the content and nature of the activity

11

  • Relationship of arbitrary and involuntary memorization

1. Dependence of the ratio of arbitrary and involuntary memorization on the nature of the activity

13


2. Drain differences ratio of arbitrary and non-random memorization

14


3. But the ratio of arbitrary and involuntary memorization in life practice (in the work of the actor over the role)

14


On the question of retroactive braking conditions

The concept of retroactive braking and the value of the problem

16

Theories of retroactive braking

16

Dependence of retroactive braking from the content of preceding and follow-up

17


Task and research methodology

18

Results of research

18

Part 1

Arbitrary

and involuntary memorization


Chapter 1

Arbitrary memorization

1. Total characteristic

arbitrary and not arbitrary

memorism

Being a mnemonic effect of mental processes occurring in any activity, the memorization is determined by the peculiarities of this activity.

Any activity of people is characterized directional. The study of the dependence of memorization from the direction of activity is part of a more general problem of the influence of activities for memorization.

Most often the direction of activity is presented as conscious intention Solve this or that problem. The presence of intent is the basis of a conscious human activity. Also significant role in activity as sources of orientation have the so-called installations Often unconscious and scoreless.

However, conscious focus and unconscious installations are not the original source of human activity. A real source is the real reality affecting a person. Therefore, it is worth noting that the human activity is socially historically determined.

In this paper, we will follow, as affects the memorization of one of the types of orientation, the most characteristic of educational activities and, and features for the learning of knowledge in the learning process. This orientation may be called as mnemonic or focus on memorization.

When the purpose is the conscious assimilation of any material, then in these cases we are dealing with arbitrary memorization. In the opposite of him, usually exhibit involuntary Memorization when the mnemonic task is not put, and the activity is aimed at achieving any other purposes.

Despite the difference in these types of memorization, it is impossible to represent them as an absolute opposition to each other. Between them there are a number of transitions, intermediate forms.

According to many researchers (S. Shello, L.Postman, etc.), in the process of involuntary memorization, there are usually mnemonic installations that are more often hidden, therefore there are no special differences (in the sense of mnemonic orientation) between arbitrary and involuntary memorization.

But the most bright mnemonic orientation is expressed in random memorization. Therefore, the comparison of these types of memorization should give the most valuable material for the characteristics of the actions of the mnemonic orientation in its brighter expression.

The presence of this orientation has primarily an important role in the concept memory productivity. Everyone is well known that random memorization is much more efficient involuntary. This is known to us both from life experience and from experimental practice. A vivid example is the case described by the Serbian psychologist P.Radoslavlevich. One of the subjects, poorly knew, did not understand the task set before him, and could not remember the simple material even after 46 presentations. However, after explaining the task, the material was assigned only after six-time reading.

Noting the significance of the actions of the mnemonic focus on the productivity of memorization, it is worth noting that when checking in different ways (recognition and reproduction), the effect of a mnemonic orientation is detected unequal. As studies show, in the learning processes, the effect of mnemonic orientation is observed in less extent than in reproduction processes. Sometimes it is not noted at all. However, this does not weaken the position on the mnemonic problem, as a factor that has a large role in memorization processes.
2. Wides of the mnemonic orientation

(full, accuracy,

sequence,

memorization strength)

and their influence on memorization
Mnemonic orientation does not constitute any uniform, always the same. She comes in high content every time in its content.

The first thing characterizes the focus - requirements that memorization must meet those. What exactly should be achieved as a result of memorization. From this point of view, you can submit a peculiar classification of tasks and storage facilities.

Every mnemonic activity is aimed at fullnessmemorization. In some cases, the task is to remember everything that affects us ( solid memorization) In others, only the necessary part is theses, the main idea of \u200b\u200bthe text, etc. - selective Memory.

Next follow the differences in the direction on accuracy,which in some cases refer to the content (for example, "by heart"), in others to the form of expression of the material (the most "in his own words").

Especially it is worth highlighting the difference in the memory of sequencestogo , what affects us. Sometimes this is a desire to remember the events, facts and something else in the sequence in which they were actually represented. In the following options, this conscious change is a sequence with a view to, for example, to make it more logical and convenient for memorization.

The following characteristic is the focus on strength memorization. This parameter is used to separate information for long-term memory ("forever") and short-term ("immediately repeat").

A special type of mnemonic orientation is the focus on timely reproduction those. Remember something at a certain point, if there is a certain situation, etc.

It goes without saying that all types of reference to memorization can be combined with each other in different ways.

The impact of all types of mnemonic focus on the memorization was most thoroughly studied by L.V. Zankov. In his works, he traced as affects the memory of the focus on accuracy, completeness and sequence of playback.

Consider the data characterizing the focus on memorization accuracy.

The technique of the experiment was as follows: one group was proposed to remember and repeat the "exactly" text, the other - to reproduce it fully, but you can and "in your own words." Of course, the first group reproduced more words from the text than the second. However, in it (second group) it was still large enough, about 40%. This is explained by the author, in order to complete the content of the content you need to use words from the present text.

Characteristic for different types of ordly ("exactly" or "in your own words") is, further, the number and features of adding text when playing.

When memorized on the first instruction (exactly in-point) the number of additions is 26%, and in the second - 39%. In this case, in the first case, predominantly individual words are added, in the second - words from which new phrases are formed during the playback process.

These are the results of experiments with adults. Let's see the results of experiments with schoolchildren IV class.

The attitude of precisely reproduced words on the first and second instructions for each other remains the same. And the ratio of the total number of exactly reproduced words of the text is significantly reduced. However, the ratio by the number of additions and replacements also changes relative to the adult group. What the author concludes: the action of the reference to the accuracy of reproduction is observed in schoolchildren to a lesser extent than in adults.

Such an effect that intends to reproduce more accurately on the residue.

As a result of the experiments carried out in the end, some of the features of the memorization of the text in the conditions of the reference to the accuracy of the assimilation were revealed.

The first thing was noted in adults - it significantly B.about the right clarity and clarity of perception of each part of the text separately, While when memorizing, much has read superficially. There is also an increase in the number of what is communicated to clear consciousness and the level of consciousness itself. Many words are clearly recognized, which in the usual memorization do not require that.

The same can be said about the words "substitutes". Those. Their number decreases due to the more meaningful perception of the text. Specially realized in some cases and the sequence of words in the text, especially in a stylized one.

The second essential adaptation feature in terms of reference to memorization accuracy - mental repetition of individual parts of text or words, individual parts of phrases. This fact gave observations of the subject and their self-surveillance.

The third and pronounced feature of literal memorization - significant role of motor and especially speech motility. Most often in the process used the latter. But in addition, other motor moments appeared, such as rhythmic movements of hands and legs, head slope, etc.

Separately, it is worth noting such a manifestation as " mysterious representation of the visually memorable part of the text " 1 . It was accompanied by more often by closing an eye or a fixed look. This, according to many subjects, gave the opportunity to more accurately memorize and understand this excerpt of the text. In some cases, it was noted brighter emotional experience words associated with a clearer awareness of its value.

All this indicates the complex and very diverse activities of the psyche in the process of solving the task.

Experiments with schoolchildren gave similar results and trends, but, as expected, less pronounced. It is worth noting that the role and quantitative relationship of the spectavatic moments in the studied group was presented at least than in adults.

All above, it can serve as a sufficient basis for explaining the fact that the focus on memorization, given in the form of conscious intention to remember "exactly in-point", schoolchildren affects the same focus in adults.

Considering that the smaller effectiveness of the storage facilities in schoolchildren is the result of the features of the memorization process, it should be noted that we cannot argue that this is the general tendency of the weakened influence of arbitrary intent compared to adults.

To solve this issue it is required to consider the impact of the focus on fullness memorization.

What is characterized by the effect of the type of direction?

Based on the research results, you can draw the following conclusions that the action of a special focus on the completeness of the playback from schoolchildren is much less than in adults.

The same confirms the analysis of reproduction gaps in the presence and lack of intention to remember as fully as possible. In adults, this intention has a result, along with a general increase in the reproduction frequency of all parts of the story, a particularly sharp rise in the playback of those parts that are usually falling out during normal playback; Schoolchildren do not appear.

As a result, we can conclude that the weakened action action turns out to be a common characteristic feature of schoolchildren, equally inherent in the direction of accuracy and completeness of memorization. 2

But in which there are differences in followingstudying for schoolchildren and in adults, to the peculiarities of the process of memorization from those and others?

Observation of test and self-observation in experiments on the completeness of memorization showed that in adults reading on a special memorization proceeds slower than with the usual memorization,what is explained by the complex internal activities proceeding to solve the problem.

In contrast to memorization aimed at the accuracy of reproduction, the subjects are not limited to the fixation of individual parts of the text by themselves, and they are trying to close the individual parts of the text with each other. Significantly weakened this time the role of motor, including speaking moments.

These are the features of memorization under the influence of the focus on the completeness of memorization in adults.

In majority of schoolchildren, in most cases, there was the same, albeit to a lesser extent than in adults. And the younger, these phenomena were not completely detected at all.

Thus, it can be said that a smaller impact of special forms of mnemonic orientation is the result of the small ability of schoolchildren to activities contributing to more productive memorization.

Special place among various types of orientation occupies the focus on the sequence.

In a number of experiments, it was possible to establish that this focus significantly affects reproduction. The fact established during the experiment is very important that the task must be delivered. before Process, otherwise this installation will not have influence. Saving the sequence was also observed during repeated playback.

Some other results are obtained from schoolchildren. The changes affected exactly the latter, i.e. Saving when re-playback, or rather a sharp decay decline. It is very interesting to note such a fact: if in experiments, the geometric shapes were replaced in the pictures, unfolded not in the course of the development of the plot, then if there is a task, the percentage of transitions on adjacency remained much lower than in the control group.

The above mentioned well shows a significant impact of the focus on the outcome of the statement of order, but does not give any information about the memorization process in this installation.

In the experiments of the first group, an installation was given to the subsequent reproduction of text in the related form and in this sequence. The second group received text with setting on answers after.

As a result, significant differences in the memorization process in two groups were revealed. In the first installation, the test material studied the text in more detail, with the detection of its structure, mentally repeating some parts, etc., although some subjects did not notice special differences in the process.

Regarding this process, we have a double opinion. Sometimes we remember "forever", sometimes only to use this information for a certain period. This is known to us from life experience. But these data are also confirmed by laboratory studies. Based on the experiments conducted by the Norwegian psychologist A. Aaalle. 3.

Accordingly, a group of schoolchildren, which has a strength of strength, more accurately and fully remembered the text for a long time than the control group. With similar experiments with objects, this trend was also installed instead of the text.

On the question of the duration of preservation in memory and the role of the reference to the memorization on one time or another in recent years is paid to a lot of attention.

Distinguish two types of memory: short-term and long-term. Allegedly indicate the differences in the physiological mechanisms of the same.

In short-term allocate the so-called RAM as memorization for the implementation of any activity and the term of this activity.

At the moment, the problem of RAM is paid a lot of attention as domestic and foreign psychologists.
3. The content of various species

mnemonic orientation


What are the sources of the references to us?

Despite the variety of sources of orientation, among them you can allocate basic, which are so to speak basic.

First, that's goal memorization, i.e. Why we remember it. And quite obvious, here we can find an exceptional variety. Because Objectives are often directly dependent on the type of human activity, it determines the differences in the content of the orientation, and above all in the focus on quality, on what in the endmemorization must be achieved.

Fullness, accuracy, strength and memorization sequence each time very specific and depend on the target.

However, unambiguous answers on the issue of the degree of inhibitory influence of subsequent activities that distinguish from the previous one, these studies do not give.

This gives us to conclude that it is not the closure of this issue and the requirement of further study. The same can be said about the question of the role difficulties follow-up.

Task and research methodology

Based on the above, we carried out experiments concluded in the study of the impact on the value of retroactive braking reduction in the similarity of follow-up and an increase in difficulty.

As the main activity was chosen to memorize adjectives. In each row there were 24 words that read the intervals of 2.5 seconds. 5 times in a row.

The following tasks were selected as follow-up:


  1. Another number of adjectives

  2. A number of nouns

  3. A number of numbers

  4. Multiplying "in the mind"

  5. Written decision of algebraic examples
Along with the principle of reducing similarity, as we see, the principle of increasing the difficulty, determined by the participants of the experiment, was taken into account.

The leisure was used to watch the test small fiction stories. The duration of each follow-up, how and recreation is 5 minutes.

Playback was made immediately before rest or activities. Then followed 15 minutes. Rest and then secondary reproduction, which had the goal to find out the stability of the RT-I.

The subjects were MSU students, 2 groups of 5 people.

Results of research
After analyzing the obtained data 15, you can sum up the results.

The magnitude of retroactive braking in our experiments decreases as similarity decreases Between the previous and follow-up activities. The similarity of these activities was the condition of the RT-me. But at the same time, it is impossible to say that the universal value does not have the principle of similarities.

Undoubtedly difficulty follow-up is the condition of influence on the RT-E. In this way, the principle of similarities must be supplemented by the principle of difficulty.

The entire reproduction data is fully confirmed by the correctness of the output.

With further analysis of the data obtained, the question arose about the individual difference in the subjects and influence of these differences on the appearance of the RT-I. Specifically, this question sounds like this:


  • Delica took place all Tests

  • As HIP varied value

  • How often it was observed in individual subjects
As studies have shown, the RT-E occurred in most subjects (8 out of 10). The average degree varies from 10 to 27%. Question O. frequency of origin
files -\u003e Methodical recommendations for the organization of research and project activities of younger students

Fig.3.

From early childhood, the process of developing a child's memory is in several directions. First, the mechanical memory is gradually complemented and is replaced by logical. Secondly, the immediate memorization over time turns into mediated, associated with active and conscious use to memorize and reproducing various mnemonic methods and means of memorizing and reproducing various mnemonic techniques and means. Thirdly, involuntary memorization, dominant in childhood, in an adult turns into arbitrary.

Arbitrary and involuntary memorization

The initial form of memorization is the so-called unintentional or involuntary memorization, i.e. Memorization without a predetermined goal, without the use of any techniques. This is a simple capture of what has affected, the preservation of some trail from the excitation in the core of the brain.

It is involuntarily memorized by much of what a person meets in life: surrounding objects, phenomena, events of everyday life, actions of people, the content of movies, books read without any educational goal, etc., although not all of them are remembered equally well. It is best to remember what is vital for a person: everything that is associated with his interests and needs, with the goals and objectives of its activities. Even the involuntary memorization is elected, determined by the attitude towards the surrounding.

From involuntary memorization it is necessary to distinguish an arbitrary memorization, characterized by the fact that a person sets a certain goal - to remember what is scheduled, and uses special memorization techniques. Arbitrary memorization is a special and complex mental activity, a subordinate task to remember and includes a variety of actions performed in order to better achieve this goal.

Often, an arbitrary memorization takes an exagination form, i.e. Multiple repetition of educational material to the full and error-free memorization. So, for example, undergoing poems, definitions, laws, formulas, historical dates, etc. The goal - to remember - plays an important role, determining all the statement of memorization. All other things being equal, arbitrary memorization is noticeably more productive than involuntary memorization.

The setting of special tasks has a significant impact on the memorization, its process itself changes under its influence. However, according to S.L. Rubinstein, the main value becomes the question of the dependence of memorization from the nature of the activity during which it is committed. He believes that the issue of memorization does not have a clear relationship between arbitrary and involuntary memorization. And the advantages of arbitrary memorization with their evidence are only at first glance.

Research PI Zinchenko in this convincingly proved that the installation on the memorization, which makes it a direct purpose of the subject's action, is not solving for the effectiveness of this process, the involuntary memorization may turn out to be more effective. In the experiments of Zinchenko, involuntary memorization of pictures during activity, the purpose of which was their classification (without the task to remember), it turned out definitely higher than in the case when the task of the picture was set to remember.

Dedicated to the same problem Research A.A. Smirnova confirmed that involuntary memorization can be more productive than arbitrary: what the subjects remembered involuntarily, in the process of activity, the purpose of which was not remembered, was stronger than what they tried to remember specifically. Analysis of specific conditions in which involuntary memorization, i.e., essentially, the memorization included in any activity is most effective, reveals the nature of the dependence of the memorization of activities during which it is committed.

Arbitrary memorization (eng. Voluntary Memorizing) - The memorization process, which is carried out in the form of conscious activities, having the mnemic orientation (mnemic installation) and includes a set of special mesmerous actions. Among the conditions of productivity of arbitrary memorization, the use of rational receptions is occupied. One of the most important techniques is to compile a plan of the stored material. Of great importance are the comparison, classification, systematization of the material. The required condition of the strength of P. s. - Repetition, as a result of which traces of re-occurring processes become more durable. In addition, the repetition creates the prerequisites for greater meaningfulness of memorization, deeper, full memorization of the material.

V.Ya. Laudis (1976) considers arbitrary memorization as a special mnemic effect associated with the construction and reproduction of an object of an object required in follow-up. The implementation of this goal is ensured by a system of indicative research and executive operations generating the psychological mechanism of P. s. Cm . Also mnemonic activity, involuntary memorization, memory species, memory. (T.P. Zinchenko)

Psychological dictionary. I. Kondakov

Arbitrary memorization

  • Category - Memorization Form.
  • Specificity - for better storage of material in memory, the intentional use of special means occurs. Depending on the molemic purposes and used mnemic techniques, the effectiveness of arbitrary memorization is different. In the wording of certain molemic tasks, when it is determined how fully, it is necessary to remember exactly and for a long time, it is focused on the allocation of various signs of the source material and update certain methods and strategies of memorization. As practice shows, the following techniques are fairly effective: the meaning grouping and allocating key elements of the strategic information structure; Binding new material with previously learned.

Glossary of psychological terms. N. Gybina

Arbitrary memorization - Memory, in which the intentional use of special means is going on for better storage of material in memory. Depending on the molemic purposes and used mnemic techniques, the effectiveness of arbitrary memorization is different. In the wording of certain molemic tasks, when it is determined how fully, it is necessary to remember exactly and for a long time, it is focused on the allocation of various signs of the source material and update certain methods and strategies of memorization.

As practice shows, the following techniques are fairly effective: the meaning grouping and allocating key elements of the strategic information structure; Binding new material with previously learned.

Neurology. Full explanatory dictionary. Nikiforov A.S.

Oxford explanatory dictionary on psychology

no meaning and interpretation words

subject Termina

When we remember something specifically, it is called arbitrary memorization. Its main forms - memorizing, retelling, remembering the meaning (understanding of the essence).

Explore - This is a targeted repetition of the same material, mechanical memorization.

If the material is reproduced as a result of memorization, it means that the memorial is considered.

So teach words and texts when learning a new language. So the musicians teach notes and gamma before learn to play.

If the main logic of the text, the main terms, argumentation are remembered as a result of memorizing, is called close to the text.

At school, such memorization is called retelling.

The semantic memorization is preserving in memory not the most material itself - and the relationship between the main blocks of the material, the logic connecting these blocks. We will start mechanisms and memory processes from memorization.

Memory - This is a process of capturing and subsequently preserving perceived information. According to the degree of activity of this process, it is customary to allocate two types of memorization: unintentional (or involuntary) and intentional (or arbitrary).

Unintentional memorization is a memorization without a predetermined goal, without using any techniques and manifestations of volitional effort. This is a simple capture of what has affected us and retained some trace of excitement in the cerebral cortex. For example, after a walk through the forest or after visiting the theater, we can remember much of what they saw, although they did not specifically set themselves the task of memorization.

In principle, each process occurring in the core of the brain due to the effects of an external stimulus leaves after himself traces, although the degree of their strength is different. It is best to remember what is vital for a person: everything that is associated with his interests and needs, with the goals and objectives of its activities. Therefore, even involuntary memorization, in a certain sense, is elected and is determined by our attitude towards the surrounding.

Unlike involuntary memorization, an arbitrary (or intentional) memorization is characterized by the fact that a person sets a certain goal - to remember some information - and uses special memorization techniques. Arbitrary memorization is a special and complex mental activity, a subordinate task to remember. In addition, arbitrary memorization includes a variety of actions performed in order to better achieve the goal. To such actions, or methods for memorizing the material, applying, the essence of which is to repeatedly repeat the learning material to the full and error-free memorization. For example, verses, definitions, laws, formulas, historical dates, etc., are memorable, etc. It should be noted that, with other things being equal, an arbitrary memorization is noticeably more productive than unintentional memorization.

The main feature of the deliberate memorization is a manifestation of volitional efforts in the form of a statement of memory. Multiple repetition allows you to securely and firmly remember the material, many times greater than the amount of individual short-term memory. Much of what is perceived in life a large number of times is not remembered by us, if you do not need to remember the task. But if you put this task before you and perform all the action necessary for it, the memorization proceeds with a relatively great success and is quite strong. By illustrating the importance of setting the task of memorizing, A. A. Smirnov leads as an example the case that happened to the Yugoslav psychologist P. Radossavlevich. He conducted an experiment with a man who poorly understood the language on which the experiment was carried out. The essence of this experiment consisted of memorizing meaningless syllables. Usually, to remember them, several repetitions were required. In the same time, the test read them 20, 30, 40 and, finally, 46 times, but did not give an experimentator a signal that they remembered them. When the psychologist asked to repeat the read series, surprised by the test, who did not understand due to the lack of knowledge of the language of the experiment, exclaimed: "How? So should I memorize him by heart? " After that, he also read a number of syllables specified by him and unmistakably repeated it.

Consequently, in order to remember as much as possible, it is necessary to put a goal - not only to perceive and understand the material, but also really remember it.

It should be noted that not only the formulation of a common task is of great importance (remember what is perceived), but also the establishment of private, special tasks. In some cases, for example, the task is to remember only the essence of the material we perceive, only the main thoughts and the most significant facts, in others - to remember the literally, in the third - to accurately remember the sequence of facts and so on.

Thus, the setting of special tasks plays a significant role in memorization. Under its influence, the memorization process itself can change. However, according to S. L. Rubinstein, the memorization depends very much on the nature of the activity during which it is committed. Moreover, Rubinstein believed that it was impossible to do unambiguous conclusions about greater efficiency of arbitrary or involuntary memorization. The advantages of arbitrary memorization are clearly opposed only at first glance. The studies of the famous domestic psychologist P. I. Zinchenko convincingly proved that the installation for memorization, which makes it a direct purpose of the subject, is not permanently decisive for the effectiveness of the memorization process. In certain cases, involuntary memorization may turn out to be more efficient. In the experiments of Zinchenko, inadvertent memorization of pictures during activities, the purpose of which was their classification (to remember without the task), it turned out definitely higher than in the case when the task was set to specially remember the pictures.

Dedicated to the same problem Research A. A. Smirnova confirmed that involuntary memorization can be more productive than deliberate: what the subjects remembered involuntarily, in the process of activity, the purpose of which was not memorized, was remembered than what they tried to remember Especially. The essence of the experiment was that two phrases were presented to the subjects, each of which corresponded to any spelling rule (for example, "My brother teaches Chinese" and "We must learn to write with brief phrases"). During the experiment, it was necessary to establish how the rule the phrase includes, and come up with another pair of phrases on the same topic. It was not necessary to memorize phrases, but after a few days the subjects were proposed to recall both those and other phrases. It turned out that phrases invented by them themselves in the process of active activity were remembered about three times better than those that the experimenter gave them.

Consequently, the memorization included in any activity is most effective because it is dependent on the activity during which it is committed.

It is remembered, as is realized, first of all, what constitutes the purpose of our action. However, something that does not apply to the goal of action is worse than at random memorization aimed at this material. At the same time, it is still necessary to take into account that the overwhelming majority of our systematic knowledge arises as a result of special activities, the purpose of which is to remember the corresponding material in order to keep it in memory. Such activities aimed at memorizing and reproduction of the material being retained is called mnemic activities.

Mower activity is a specifically human phenomenon, because only a person has a memorization becomes a special task, and memorizing the material, maintaining it in memory and remember - a special form of conscious activities. At the same time, a person must clearly separate the material that he was asked to remember, from all side impressions. Therefore, mnemonic activity is always selective.

It should be noted that the study of human mnemic activities is one of the central problems of modern psychology. The main tasks of studying mnemic activities are the determination of the amount of memory available to the person and the maximum possible storage speed of the material, as well as the time during which the material can be held in memory. These tasks are not simple, especially since the memorization processes in specific cases have a number of differences.

Memory- This is a process of capturing and subsequently preserving perceived information. According to the degree of activity of the flow of this process, it is customary to allocate two types of memorization: unintentional (or involuntary)and intentional (or arbitrary). Unintentional memorization- This is a memorization without a predetermined goal, without the use of any techniques and manifestations of volitional effort. This is a simple capture of what has affected man and retained some trace of excitement in the cerebral cortex. Unlike involuntary memorization, arbitrary(or intentional) memorization is characterized by the fact that a person sets a certain goal - to remember some information - and uses special memorization techniques. Arbitrary memorization is a special and complex mental activity, a subordinate task to remember. In addition, arbitrary memorization includes a variety of actions performed in order to better achieve the goal. To such actions, or ways to memorize the material, refers memorialthe essence of which is the multiple repetition of educational material to the full and error-free memorization. The main feature of the deliberate memorization is a manifestation of volitional efforts in the form of a statement of memory. Multiple repetition allows you to securely and firmly remember the material, many times greater than the amount of individual short-term memory. Such activities aimed at memorization, and then reproduction of a retained material, called mnemonic activities. Mower activity is a specifically human phenomenon, because only a person has a memorization becomes a special task, and memorizing the material, maintaining it in memory and remember - a special form of conscious activities. At the same time, a person must clearly separate the material that he was asked to remember, from all side impressions. Therefore, mnemonic activity is always selective. Another characteristic of the memorization process is the degree of reflection of the stored material. Therefore, it is customary to allocate meaningfuland rote.

29. Meaning and mechanical memorization.

The development of the memory of the student is not only in the direction of the growth of arbitrariness or premedit of memorization and reproduction, but also in the direction of the development of meaningfulness.

In psychology distinguish two memorization paths:

    Meaningful

    Mechanical

Meaningful memorization Based on the understanding of what comes. The basis of mechanical memorization is only a multiple repetition of the same material without sufficient understanding.

Rote it is not, as some people think, a feature of children of one or another age, although it is observed at an earlier age (preschool and younger school) more often than in the older. This is explained mainly by the fact that children often do not often own even the techniques of meaningful memorization, which they must learn in adults.

The mechanical path of memorization, without a clear understanding of the memorable, is usually called the "cramp."

Signorous memorization, as mentioned, is based on understanding the meaning of the memorial. With such a memorization, the newly formed temporary bonds are included in the system of previously educated relations in humans. Therefore, it is customary to allocate meaningful and mechanical memorization.

Mechanical memorization is a memorization without awareness of a logical connection between different parts of the perceived material. An example of such a memorization is to memorize statistical data, historical dates, etc. The basis of mechanical memorization are associations on adjacency. One part of the material is associated with the other only because it follows it in time. In order to establish such a connection, a multiple repetition of the material is necessary.

In contrast to this, meaningful memorization is based on the understanding of internal logical bonds between individual parts of the material. Two positions, of which one is with a conclusion from the other, is not remembered because they follow in time after each other, but because it is listed logically. Therefore, the meaningful memorization is always associated with the processes of thinking and is based mainly on the generalized links between the parts of the material at the level of the second signal system.

It has been proven that the meaningful memorization is many times more productive than mechanical. Mechanical memorization uneconomically requires many repetitions. The mechanically learned person can not always be remembered to the place and by time. The meaningful memorization requires significantly less effort and time, but is more effective. However, almost both types of memorization are mechanical and meaningful - closely intertwined with each other. Using by heart, we mainly be based on the semantic links, but the exact sequence of words is remembered with the help of associations on adjacentness. On the other hand, learning even incoherent material, we, one way or another, are trying to build semantic ties. So, one of the ways to increase the volume and strength of memorization of the words that are not related to the words in the creation of a conditional logical connection between them. In certain cases, this connection may be meaningless in content, but very bright from the point of view of representations. For example, you need to remember a number of words: watermelon, table, elephant, comb, button, etc. To do this, we will construct a conventional logical chain of the following type: "Watermelon lies on the table. At the table sits an elephant. In his pocket, his vest is a comb, and the vest itself is fastened to one button. " Etc. With this reception within one minute, you can remember up to 30 words and more (depending on the workout) in a single repetition.

If you compare these ways to memorize the material - meaningful and mechanical, then it can be concluded that the meaningful memorization of much productive. With a mechanical memorization in memory, only 40% of the material remains in one hour, and after another after a few hours - only 20%, and in the case of a meaningful memorization, 40% of the material is stored in memory even after 30 days.

The advantage of meaningful memorization over mechanical when analyzing the costs needed to increase the volume of stored material is very clearly manifested. With mechanical memorization with an increase in the volume of the material, a disproportionate increase in the number of repetitions is required. For example, if only one repetition is required to memorize six meaningless words, then when appropriating 12 words requires 14-16 repetitions, and for 36 words - 55 repetitions. Therefore, with an increase in material, it is six times to increase the number of repetitions of 55 times. At the same time, with an increase in the volume of meaningful material (poem) to remember it, it is necessary to increase the number of repetitions from two to 15 times, i.e. the number of repetitions increases by 7.5 times, which convincingly indicates greater productivity of meaningful memorization.Therefore, let's look at the conditions contributing to the meaningful and solid memorization of the material in more detail.

30. Holistic, partial and combinational memory methods. Dynamic and static information saving.

Memor productivity depends on how memorization is carried out: in general, or in parts. In psychology, three ways to memorize a large volume of material are known: holly, partialand combined.The first method (holistic) is that the material (text, poem, etc.) is read from beginning to end several times, until complete assimilation. In the second method (partial), the material is divided into parts and each part is memorized separately. First, one part is reached several times, then the second, then the third, etc. The combined method is a combination of holistic and partial. The material first reads the entire one or several times depending on its volume and character, then difficult places are allocated and memorable separately, after which the entire text is read entirely. If the material, for example, the verse text is large in volume, then it is divided into stains, logically complete parts, and memorization occurs in this way: first, the text is read once again from beginning to end, it turns out its general meaning, then each part appears, After that, the material is again readily readily. Thus, for a successful memorization, it is necessary to take into account the features of the mechanisms of the memorization process and use a variety of me-mics.

Saving, reproduction, recognition. All the information that was perceived, a person not only remembers, but also retains a certain time. Saving as a memory process has its own patterns. For example, it has been established that saving can be dynamicand static.Dynamic preservation is manifested in RAM, and static - in long-term. With dynamic conservation, the material changes little, with static, on the contrary, it is necessarily subjected to reconstruction and a certain processing. The reconstruction of the material stored by long-term memory occurs primarily under the influence of new information that continuously coming from our senses. Reconstruction is manifested in various forms, for example, in the disappearance of some less significant parts and replacing them with other details, in changing the sequence of material, to the degree of its generalization.


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