The main sources for the student body of the 19th century. Legal status of students in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. Wirtschafter E.K. Social Structures: Commoners in the Russian Empire ...

A.M. Feofanov

UNIVERSITY AND SOCIETY: STUDENTS OF THE MOSCOW UNIVERSITY OF THE XVIII - EARLY XIX CENTURY (SOCIAL ORIGIN AND LIFE)

UNIVERSITY AND SOCIETY: STUDENTS OF MOSCOW UNIVERSITY IN XVIII -ARLY XIX CENTURY (BACKGROUND AND MODE OF LIFE)

Key words: history of Russia in the late 18th - early 19th centuries, Moscow University, social composition of the population, students, social composition of the population of the Russian Empire.

Key words: history of Russia of late XVIII - early XIX century, Moscow University, social membership of population, students, social membership of population of the Russian Empire.

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The article talks about the existence of the Moscow Imperial University in the first decades of its existence, late 18th - early 19th centuries. It touches upon such a poorly studied issue as the life of students, their social composition, everyday life, cultural life, participation in public life. The conditions of life and education at the Moscow University are compared with the conditions that existed in Western, first of all, German universities.

The article tells about Moscow Imperial University in the first decades of its existence (late XVIII - early XIX century). There is touched upon such an insufficiently known problem as students' life, its social membership, mode of life, cultural life, participation in public life. The conditions of life and education in Moscow University are compared to those of European ones, first of all of German universities.

The formation and development of Moscow University took place with the direct participation of the state, which needed trained personnel. University graduates joined the ranks of officials, the military, became writers, scientists and courtiers, i.e. made up the elite of society. But university education did not immediately acquire value in the eyes of society. Namely, the attitude of society to education and determined the number of students. Of course, the public's view of the university also changed depending on the policy pursued by the state, and not only in the field of education, but also social policy. The university itself, as a scientific and social center, had a cultural impact on society.

Size and social composition. The social composition reflects the degree of connection with the university of various sectors of society. Until now, historiography has not received proper coverage of the issue of the number and social composition of students at Moscow University in the period under review. Everything was limited to general phrases about the "raznochin character" of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th centuries, in order to emphasize its "democratic" direction.

There are several epochs in the dynamics of the number of students at Moscow University. The surges in income are associated with increased public attention to

the university. The splash was (sometimes) followed by falls. The sharp increase in the number of students is associated with the Muravyov renewal of the university, when the number of students tripled.

In the initial period, which lasted until the end of the 1770s, the maximum number of students admitted to students did not exceed 25, and the average value was 15 applicants per year.

Since 1780, the dynamics of the number of students at Moscow University has been experiencing the effects of the Novikov decade, which began in 1779. In 1780-1784. the number of enrolled students has increased dramatically and ranged from 17 to 54 people with an average of 37 people. A significant number of students in these years were admitted to the maintenance of the Friendly Scientific Society.

Since 1785, there has been another decline in student enrollment. Moscow University, as the center of the Masonic circle, aroused concern and distrust in the government of Catherine II, Novikov's public undertakings were suppressed, and the university itself was not yet able to independently provide for itself a wide influx of students.

A new period in the dynamics of the number of students opened in 1803, when one of the results of university reforms was to attract public attention to Moscow University. The number of applicants from this moment has been steadily growing: in 1803-1809 it is from 28 to 61 people, in 1810-1820 - from 70 to 117 people. All this testifies to a qualitative change in the social status of Moscow University after the adoption of the Charter of 1804 and the new role of students in society, when studying at the university became necessary for further entry into life. A clear line between 1809 and 1810 is also associated with this change. under the influence of the decree on examinations for the rank adopted on August 6, 1809. This decree established a direct link between education and production to the rank, requiring all those wishing to receive the ranks of the 8th and 5th grade to present a certificate received from the university and indicating that they had passed the exams. After the adoption of the decree, the number of those wishing to become students has grown sharply.

Starting with a modest figure of 30 students and about 15 applicants per year, Moscow University by 1812 reached the threshold of 300 students (students and listeners), which made it one of the largest universities in Europe.

Moscow University was an all-class educational institution. The low number of students at Moscow University in the second half of the 18th century. was explained primarily by the insufficient influx here from the leading Russian service class - the nobility. In the eyes of the Russian nobles of that time, studying at the university was not in itself a value, the study of university sciences was considered a luxury not necessary for further service, and "the very word student sounded like something not noble." The nobles willingly studied at the gymnasium, but instead of continuing their studies at the university, they preferred to enter the cadet corps or immediately to military service. Raznochintsy, on the other hand, more often entered theological educational institutions, because they did not have the means to study at the university at their own expense.

In Europe, in the same way, the nobles preferred to pave the way to the highest state positions through a military career. Representatives of the noble class "had an irresistible aversion to exams and diplomas, since, unlike commoners, they did not need to document what was due to them by birth." You can remember M.M. Speransky, who spoke harshly about examinations for the rank, proposing to accept any nobleman into military service as an officer, demanding from them the only knowledge of the principles of mathematics and the Russian language.

Since the beginning of the XIX century. a stable tendency is being formed, according to which the nobles accounted for at least half of the applicants. These conclusions make it possible to significantly correct the statements about the "raznochinsky" character of Moscow University.

In total, for the period from the founding of Moscow University to the beginning of the Patriotic War of 1812, we identified about 500 noblemen and more than 400 commoners, out of a total number of about 1400 people who studied in Moscow university of the given time. From this we can conclude that the number of nobles was more than a third of the total number of all students in the second half of the 18th - early 19th centuries, but hardly more than half. It should also be taken into account that many graduates of the Noble boarding school, who were nobles and became visitors to university lectures, remained under the jurisdiction of the boarding school, i.e. actually students did not make it into the published lists of students.

Let us now consider the main social groups of students in the second half of the 18th - early 19th centuries. in more detail. Raznochintsy. This group includes the children of soldiers, bourgeois, merchants, petty officials (clerks, copyists, clerks), less often the children of secretaries (boards, departments and spiritual consistories), doctors (headquarters doctors, healers and medical doctors), pharmacists, teachers. The main part of the commoners were children of the clergy, mainly rural priests, less often deacons, as well as sextons, psalmists and other clergymen.

Sometimes people from the clergy class could have a close relationship with other social groups: these were the children of priests, whose ancestors were nobles, but for some reason took the dignity. For example, the father of Fyodor Petrovich Lubyanovsky was from a noble family, descended from a Polish native, but he himself served as a priest. Anton Antonovich Prokopovich-Antonsky, whose father became a priest in the Chernigov province, was from a noble family.

The peasants practically did not study at Moscow University during this period (although they were given such an opportunity by the "Project on the Establishment of Moscow University" in 1755): only the example of Gavrila Zhuravlev, a former serf

the university director, Prince M.I. Argamakov. Some serfs could study at Moscow University with the permission of their masters, but without receiving freedom and, accordingly, not being students. This is how the serf Nikolai Smirnov studied at the university, who was the courtyard of the Golitsyn princes.

Nobles. Among the students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th century. the whole range of Russian nobility- from metropolitan to provincial, from titled persons to small families. The first titled nobles appeared among the students of Moscow University already in 1760. These are princes Leon Gruzinsky and Timofey Gagarin. We also meet representatives of such surnames as Shikhmatovs, Salagins, Kasatkins-Rostovskys, Diveevs. At the same time he studied at Moscow University and the famous memoirist, poet and playwright, Prince I. M. Dolgorukov.

Of course, among the nobles who studied at Moscow University were representatives not only of aristocratic families, but also of the broad mass of the serving nobility. In 1779, in order to attract noblemen to study, a Noble boarding house was opened, created on the initiative of M.M. Kheraskova. The boarding house soon acquired a reputation as the leading elite educational institution in Moscow. Students of the upper grades received the right to attend university lectures. Thus, for the students of the Noble boarding school, the production of students at the turn of the XVIII-XIX centuries. did not contradict the fact that they continued to be in the boarding house itself: we find such examples in biographies

brothers Turgenev, Grammatin, Odoevsky. At the same time, the nobles willingly studied at the boarding house, but rarely continued their studies at the university itself.

As a result of the activities of the trustee M.N. Muravyov at Moscow University and government reforms in the field of education at the beginning of the 19th century. not only has the number of students increased sharply, but the social composition of the student body has also changed. From 1807 to 1812 titled nobles entered the university every year. The names of not only Russian princes, but also German Baltic barons, such as Engelgard, Ridiger, Bistrom, Budberg, and others, appeared in the lists of students.

In Europe, for the representatives of the third estate, a university degree opened the way to state (royal or princely) service1. In response to competition from educated commoners who served in the state apparatus, the need for education arose among the nobility. In the XVIII century. "The ruling class, in order to maintain their position, was forced to receive a university education" 2. The lectures of the professors are listened to by the aristocracy, including princes, earls, barons and princes of the royal house. The titled nobility was in the XVIII century. in the universities of Würzburg, Tübingen, Strastburg and Jena about 5%, in Leipzig, Heidelberg and Halle about 7%, and in Göttingen it even reached 13% 3

Russian nobles of the second half of the 18th century. considered the university as a stepping stone for the beginning of a future career, and for this they mainly used the gymnasium (where they received the certificates necessary for production in the rank, which was not available in Europe), and rarely enrolled in students. Therefore, initially, the student body of Moscow University really had a raznochin character, although the share of nobles in it was about one-fourth and was quite tangible. Gradually, the social composition of students changed in favor of an increasing proportion of nobles in it, which indicated the strengthening of the public recognition of the university and its role in obtaining education for the service class.

Age of students enrolled in the university. The exact answer is significantly difficult due to the imperfection of our source data. In the absence of an archive for the second half of the XVIII - the first decade of the XIX century. in our reconstructed lists of students, we can only establish the year of their birth if we have any additional data. These are, firstly, the records of the success of students who studied in 1764-1768, preserved in the RGADA, in which, along with other data, the age of the students was given. Also, the year of birth is known among those students who have become writers, statesmen and public figures, and then student lists can be supplemented with data from biographical dictionaries.

Most of the students who entered Moscow University were between 15 and 19 years old. An absolute record for the second half of the 18th century. recorded in the case of Yevgeny Syreishchikov (in the future - a teacher at the university gymnasium, who received the title of extraordinary professor of philosophy there): he was promoted to students from the gymnasium at the age of 11 in 1768, when the student body was significantly weakened after the withdrawal of several dozen students for work in the Legislated Commission. At the beginning of the XIX century. such cases were somewhat more common: at the age of 11, Alexander Lykoshin entered students and, apparently, his friend Griboyedov (if we assume the later of the two possible dates of birth of the writer), and at the age of 13 Griboyedov had already graduated from the language department of his university with a degree candidate, and later continued to listen to the lectures of the ethical and political department.

In general, in the XVIII century. students were older (16-18 years old) than at the beginning of the 19th century, and even older (as a rule, 19 years old and above) were seminary graduates who entered the university (as D.N.Sverbeev wrote, they already “shaved their beards” ). In connection with the desire of noble families to accelerate the promotion of their offspring in the ranks at the beginning of the XIX century. there was such a phenomenon as "students-boys".

It was the Charter of 1804, which secured the title of university student the right to the rank of 14th grade, that stimulated noble families to send their children to students as early as possible (a phenomenon akin to how, in the 18th century, noble children from infancy

were listed in the shelves). The fact that when enrolling in a university at the beginning of the XIX century. in noble families, the title of a student was valued first of all, and not the ability to comprehend science, the diary of S.P. Zhikharev. “My title is not a trifle and will please my

home, ”writes Zhikharev, who became a student in 1805 at the age of 16. “I have a presentiment,” he continues, “that it won't be long for me to listen to my kind professors. Father, delighted with my 14th grade, rushes to the service. "

1 Khavanova O.V. Merits of fathers and talents of sons. P. 12.

Paulsen F. German universities. P. 110.

3 A History of the University in Europe. P. 321.

Thus, the "rejuvenation" of the Moscow University students at the beginning of the 19th

v. associated with the influx of young nobles into students.

The main problems of organizing student life are: did the students stand out as a separate group, and with the help of what attributes it was carried out. According to clause 21 of the Project on the Establishment of Moscow University, the ultimate goal of a student's studies is to obtain a certificate. This certificate performed a certain social function(which, as a rule, was not the case in Western universities) - provided "patronage" when entering the service. Noble students in the 18th century sought to obtain a certificate giving the right to production in the next rank. For the commoners, the university had to make a special “petition” for their rank-making.

Initially, the university was viewed by the state almost exclusively as an educational institution for training officials who can be picked up without waiting for their period of study to end. A significant number of students who did not graduate from the course were assigned to serve in the Senate and other state institutions, were appointed teachers. So, in 1767, 42 students were taken to the Legislative Commission, which disrupted the normal course of education, since after that only 5 students remained at the "higher" faculties: 4 in law and 1 in medicine.

The normal course of study for many of the students was interrupted by the Patriotic War of 1812, during which many of them dropped out of school, joined the militia or went to provide medical care to the army. Among the reasons for the dismissal of students during this period, there is already a desire to continue their education in other educational institutions... For example, Vasily Matveyevich Chernyaev in 1812 transferred to the medical faculty of Kharkov University.

The rules of conduct at the university were quite strictly regulated. The first of the intra-university acts regulating the life of students was adopted in 1765. Students were prohibited from quarrels and fights, especially strictly - duels and seconds. This project was published in 1765 under the title "Charter, to the supervision of which all university students are obliged in writing." For admission to students, a certificate of "good behavior" was required. Students had to "dress decently, avoiding cynical vileness, as well as excessive panache", "live modestly and in proportion to their income, without going into any debts."

The corporate identity of the university was the uniform. "The university had its own uniform, similar to the uniform of the Moscow province," crimson with a blue velvet collar and white buttons. The first mention of the introduction of the uniform at the university dates back to 1782 and is associated with the celebration of the 20th anniversary of the accession to the throne of Empress Catherine II. The uniform of the Moscow province, which was to be worn by both professors and students, then consisted of a red cloth jacket, knee-length pantaloons, stockings, shoes and a black triangular hat.

But not all students wore such a uniform. The only exceptions were the days of university-wide celebrations. It is known from Timkovsky's notes that “the students did not have any definite shape in their attire,” even “not all of them had a university uniform. Everyone, even on a salary, was dressed as he could and as he wanted. " Ilya Fedorovich himself wore a “Novgorod blue and black” uniform.

“Forms,” recalled Poludensky, who studied at the university in the 1790s.

frock coats and uniforms. There was a difference in uniforms between commoners and nobles, and, as it was said before, they lived apart. “At first, the commoners had a blue uniform with red cuffs, and the nobles had a red one with blue cuffs.” In fact, only high school students had a difference in uniforms between commoners and nobles. “When common school students were promoted to students,” P.I. Strakhov, - they changed their crimson dress to a green noble one.

On October 14, 1800, Moscow University's own uniform was officially approved, different from the uniforms of other departments - a dark green caftan, "the collar and cuffs on the caftan are crimson, the buttons are white, in one half with the emblem of the Empire, and in the other with attributes of scholarship." On April 9, 1804, the decree "On uniforms for Moscow University and schools subordinate to it" approved a new student uniform: "a single-breasted caftan of dark blue cloth, with a standing collar and crimson cuffs", decorated with gold embroidery. But even in the reign of Alexander I, students, especially self-styled ones, continued to wear their own dress. According to the memoirs, "students, both state-owned and self-employed, wore particular dresses, of course, almost all in frock coats and rare in tailcoats." And even back in the 1820s, according to the memoirs of Pirogov, "uniforms did not exist yet."

The situation changed only in the reign of Nicholas I. When examining the university, it was noticed that the students "do not have a uniform and definite uniform in all respects." On May 22, 1826, a decree was issued "On allowing state students of Moscow University to have epaulettes on their uniforms" "to distinguish them from their own", and on September 6, 1826, a decree "On uniforms for students of Moscow University and for pupils of a noble boarding school and gymnasium" ... According to him, a blue single-breasted student's uniform was adopted. The uniform was needed so that "the students, having a uniform dress, were accustomed to order and to their future appointment for public service."

The sword was no less, and even a more important sign of a student than a uniform. In § 23 of the Draft on the Establishment of Moscow University, it was indicated that the sword is given to students "for encouragement", "as is common in other places." The sword was a symbol of personal dignity, it was worn by the nobles. Thus, non-nobles, receiving the title of students, were, as it were, equalized in rights with the noble class. In addition, in accordance with the Charter of 1804, a university student entering the service immediately enrolled in the 14th grade, which gave the rights of personal nobility. Therefore, after 1804, the presentation of the sword already had not only a symbolic, but also a real meaning of the change by the former commoner of his social status. THEM. Snegirev recalled how, after being promoted to students in 1807, “with childish admiration, he put on a student's uniform, a three-cornered hat and hung a sword, which he put on the bed with him ... It seemed to me that not only relatives and neighbors, but also and the transverse ones looked at my sword, and what most of all flattered my childish vanity, the watchmen and soldiers saluted me. "

Here we see a clear resemblance to German universities. Paulsen notes that if in the Middle Ages “the scholastic university statutes were forced to wear a spiritual dress, from the middle of the 17th century the student, both in dress and manners, considers himself a model of a nobleman. And along with the sword, this necessary accessory of the noble costume, the duel entered the university world. " Characteristically, at the same time, fencing teachers appeared in universities (in the Middle Ages, it was forbidden for students to carry weapons). Thus, “the life forms of the nobility acquire the meaning of an ideal; the place of the medieval scholar, cleric-seminarian, is taken by an academic student of the 17th century, playing the role of a cavalier. "

According to § 24 of the "Draft for the Establishment of Moscow University", a university court was established. The appearance of such a university court confirmed

the corporate nature of the first Russian university: after all, for any

European university, such a court was an integral part and exercised the right of "academic freedom" of members of the corporation, according to which none of them (professor, student or even an employee of the university) was tried by the city authorities, but could only be sued by members of the same corporation, and only in accordance with the laws issued by his university. True, at Moscow University, this norm took root badly and worked irrevocably only in relation to students, while gymnasium teachers in the second half of the 1750s. had several clashes with the Moscow magistrate, trying to prove that they had no right to arrest them for misconduct (in particular, for debts). The University Charter of 1804 affirmed the corporate law of the university court.

On the conduct of cases in a university court in the 18th century. present an excerpt from the minutes of the University Conference. The trial was carried out by the director of the university together with other members of the Conference. The punishments for students who violated discipline (mainly due to fights) were deprivation of the sword, imprisonment for several days in a punishment cell, dismissal from state scholarships, and finally, expulsion from the university.

A special kind of violation of university regulations were cases of student marriage. Although in no university laws there was no direct prohibition for a student to marry, however, the curator Adodurov wrote: “I was notified that Yudin got married from those who were paid for by the state ... not only is this indecent, but it also makes a great obstacle in teaching the sciences. " Student Yudin was deprived of his scholarship.

Some students fled from the university. The order of the curator Adodurov about the "fugitive student" Ivan Popov dated October 30, 1768 describes just such a case. For his act, the student Popov was expelled from the university and sent to the office of the Synod, since he came from the clergy. Thus, the expelled student was deprived of the increase in social status achieved by him, returning back to his class.

Students in the 18th century begins to realize his own identity, to realize himself as a kind of community, different from other inhabitants of the city. This was manifested, in particular, in the clashes between representatives of the university and city dwellers. Such skirmishes begin from the very first years of its existence. Already in 1757

g. a fight was recorded between high school students and "titular cadets" (students of the collegiums). Its instigator, Pyotr Argamakov, the son of the university director, was arrested along with other participants and punished with rods.

“The city police,” recalled Pirogov, who studied at Moscow University in 1824-1828, “had no right to dispose of students and had to deliver the guilty ones to the university.” This privilege was abolished by decree of Nicholas I from

September 4, 1827 "On the instruction of Moscow University students living outside the university, to the supervision of the city police."

Students who were unable to learn on their own were admitted to the state kosht on the basis of a petition, subject to good academic performance, good behavior and the presentation of a certificate of poverty signed by several persons of noble birth. The first state-owned students received 40 rubles a year. In 1799, their salary, which was paid in thirds, was already 100 rubles. in year. If the number of state students exceeded the established number, they could be paid a student scholarship, i.e. such as received by state school students. Since 1804, the state budget was 200 rubles a year, and in the medical department - 350 rubles. First of all, those students who were prepared by the government for service as doctors or teachers were admitted to the state offices. After graduating from university, they had to

to serve as compensation to the state for training for at least 6 years under the authority of the Ministry of Public Education.

Some students lived in apartments with friends or relatives. M.A. Dmitriev lived with his uncle. Poludensky lived in his apartment by kinship with Professor Barsov. Without the help of friends or relatives, it would be quite difficult for self-supporting students to support themselves.

A favorite place for student meetings was the "Great Britain" tavern, where comradely drinking parties were sometimes arranged. In general, students often visited taverns. “It often happened,” Dmitriev recalled, “that, returning at one o'clock in the afternoon from lectures, I had to go back on foot either to Tverskaya or Kuznetskaya most to dine with a restaurateur.”

In a letter from Göttingen to his brother, A.I. Turgenev, Nikolay, responding to the reproach of A.F. Merzlyakov, who “it was painful to see his friend’s brother often in the coffee shop and with Chebotarev,” writes: “I did not go there for pranks, not to drink and fool around there, but for pleasure, completely allowed. There I often found acquaintances, friends, talked to them, drank tea, coffee, read newspapers and nothing else. "

“According to the formidable dictum of Sandunov, known at that time:“ The samovar is a tavern instrument and is not suitable at school, ”veto was imposed on this instrument, and therefore some had copper teapots and thus consoled themselves with tea drinking. Others fled for this business to the taverns of Tsaregradsky (in Okhotny Ryad) and Znamensky (not far from the present Treasury). In these bright institutions (now there are no traces of them), some of the students were regular regulars. " In taverns, students drank not only tea, but also stronger drinks. “It used to be like this: the man served tea, after a few seconds the spoon knocks, the man comes running in. They say to him: "Give me more hot water," he grabs a kettle, in which there is still a lot of water (and no water is needed) and brings the same kettle, as if with water, but in it there is aqua vitae. Apparently, then the conditions of inns did not allow trading in precious moisture, and the owners were afraid of the spies, who no doubt were everywhere. " State students managed to visit the tavern even in the morning before the lectures.

Zhikharev preferred dinners and balls to other entertainments, and often attended opera and ballet. Pupils of the university with less demanding demands had a different entertainment: they participated in fist fights on Neglinnaya, where, according to the memoirs of I.M. Snegirev, “the students of the theological academy and university students converged, wall to wall: they started small, finished big. The university students were helped by the Neglin scrappy workers. "

Many students liked to walk in Maryina Roshcha or Sokolniki on holidays. Lyalikov recalls that the students “did not miss the so-called monastic festivities on their temple holidays. Once, I remember, the three of us hired a boat at the Moskvoretsky Bridge (August 6) and sailed to the Novospassky Monastery. They also swam to the Sparrow Hills, feasted on milk and raspberries in Maryina Roshcha and in Ostankino. "

Attended by students and theater. The university theater was one of the first in Russia. Students and gymnasium students took part in the preparation of the performances. The theater carried an educational mission, bringing the university closer to Russian society. In addition to theatrical performances, masquerades were also given on Christmastide or Shrovetide, and "on Sundays and holidays there were sometimes evening dances or concerts."

Since 1760, the student troupe becomes professional and receives the name "Russian Theater". Such Russian actors as Troepolskaya, Lapin, Mikhailova and others began their activity at the university theater. In 1776, the entrepreneur Medox created the first permanent public professional theater in Moscow, for which in 1780 Medox built a large building on Petrovka Street - Petrovsky theatre. It was in it in 1783 that Fonvizin's comedy "The Minor" was shown for the first time in Moscow. The troupe included outstanding actors, including Peter

Alekseevich Plavilshchikov, who graduated from Moscow University in 1779. In 1825, a new building (now the Bolshoi Theater) was built on the site of the Petrovsky Theater.

On going to the theater and buying books, students spent the money they saved from their tuition fees, as well as the money they earned from translating books and private lessons.

An important role during the period of students' stay at the university was assigned to their church life. When the university was housed in the building of the Pharmacy House, students went to services at the Kazan Cathedral. After the university acquired Repnin's house, “next to this place, next to the parish stone church of the Assumption of the Mother of God, or St. Dionysius the Areopagite, was renamed university and attached to it. " On April 5, 1791, it was consecrated in the left wing of the university building under construction on the Moss Church in the name of St. Martyr Tatiana. In September 1817, the church of St. George on Krasnaya Gorka, and in 1820 a chapel in honor of St. Martyr Tatiana.

According to the memoirs of Poludensky, at the end of the 18th century. There was no special church at that time at the university, and the students were taken in turn to different parish churches.

As Lyalikov recalled, students “usually fasted during the first week of Lent. Vigil was heard in the large dining room in the usual presence of Sandunov and both sub-inspectors. The choir was one of its own. " “We partook of the Holy Mysteries,” he recalled, “in the St. George Church on Mokhovaya. Imagine (it surprises me even now): during the entire time, rather long, communion of students (there were about 40 of us, and three times more medical) Sandunov and Mudrov kept a veil in front of those approaching the chalice, as inspectors. " Students attended not only the university church, but also other Moscow churches. “In general, we were often told - to go to services in our parish (George on Krasnaya Gorka) church; but everyone constantly went to the neighboring Nikitsky monastery or in small groups somewhere in the distance, for example, to Donskoy, Novodevichy. " The reasons for choosing this or that church were both beautiful singing and good preaching in this temple. Zhikharev was a fan of church singing. After mass, however, he can go to see the art gallery (of the late Prince Golitsyn) or horse racing.

Students also showed themselves as a part of the literary space of Moscow. In the XVIII century. the university included a whole complex of institutions. A library, a printing house and a bookstore functioned under him. It was in the university printing house that the newspaper "Moskovskie vedomosti" began to be published, around which the lovers of literature united. Gymnasium students and students of Moscow University were involved in the work on the issue of this newspaper. “Literary and printing activities at the university,” Shevyrev writes, “revived more and more every year. The newspapers aroused attentive public participation. In 1760 it was impossible to find a complete copy of the newspapers for the previous year in a bookstore. "

In the early 1760s, a new group of periodicals - literary journals - appeared at Moscow University. University publications were conceived as a blueprint for educating society through cultural influences.

The first four magazines (Useful Entertainment, Free Hours, edited by Kheraskov, Innocent Exercise (published by I.F.Bogdanovich), Good Intention), published at Moscow University in the early 1760s, were literary publications. They were attended by famous writers - Sumarokov, Kheraskov, Trediakovsky and a large group of young people who were beginning to try their hand at creativity.

In 1771, on the initiative of the curator Melissino at Moscow University, its first official scientific society was formed - the Free "Russian" Assembly. It was established “for the correction and enrichment of the Russian language, through the publication of useful, and especially for the instruction of young people in need, works and translations,

poetry and prose ". The chairman of the meeting was Melissino himself, replaced by the director of the university

M.V. Priklonsky. The members of the society included many "noble persons", such as Princess Dashkova, historian M.M. Shcherbatov, Sumarokov and Prince Potemkin himself. The meetings of the meeting were held very solemnly and magnificently. According to the descriptions of his contemporaries, Potemkin sat at the table, "flaunting the diamond buckles of his shoes, flaunting them in front of the students who, in uniforms, stood around, were present at these meetings." The free Russian assembly attracted the Russian elite to the cause of enlightenment, which made it possible to exert a significant influence on society and generate many supporters, including Novikov and M.N. Muravyov.

Societies of a somewhat different nature appeared at Moscow University in the 1780s. Their appearance is associated with the activities of masons, primarily Novikov and Schwartz. Novikov himself was a student of Moscow University; Kheraskov attracted him to work at the university. On May 1, 1779, the university signed a contract with Novikov, according to which the university printing house was leased to him for ten years. Novikov's main goal was to spread enlightenment, "which he understood only as based on religious and moral principles, mainly in a mystical spirit." To translate foreign books, he attracted students, thereby providing them with substantial material support. Since 1779, he has been publishing the Morning Light magazine in Moscow.

In 1779 Novikov met Schwartz, professor German language at the university. Their common goals were "to train teachers in the spirit of Masonic ethics, to introduce new rules of upbringing." Thanks to their labors, in 1779 the Teacher's (Pedagogical) Seminary was opened, and in 1782 - the Translation (Philological) Seminary. The first of them was intended to prepare students for teaching, and the second - to translate foreign essays into Russian. On March 13, 1781, at the university, at the initiative of Schwartz, the first student society was opened under the name "Collection of University Students". The goal of the society was to "improve Russian language and literature ”through essays and translations. Many students were active participants in the meeting. M.I. Antonovsky “composed a charter for this society, according to the rules of which the members of this society were so well educated that, upon leaving the university and upon entering the civil service, they turned out to be the most capable people for it, so that a rare of them now serves without distinction ( except for some persecuted by envy and anger), less than 4th grade. "

In 1782, on a Masonic basis, a Friendly Scientific Society was formed around the university. It brought together more than 50 people. More than 20 students studied at his expense, including the future Metropolitans Seraphim (Glagolevsky) and Mikhail (Desnitsky), Professor P.A. Sokhatsky, A.A. Prokopovich-Antonsky and P.I. Strakhov. It was the circle of Novikov's comrades in the Friendly Scientific Society that carried out the publication of literary publications at the university in the 1780s.

In 1781 Novikov published the "Moscow monthly edition", in 1782 the magazine "Evening Dawn" began to be published, and from 1784 - "The Resting Hard Worker". The content of these magazines mainly consisted of poems or "discourses" written by students on moral and philosophical topics. The "resting hard worker" had a clearly expressed occult-mystical orientation, as evidenced by the fact that there were articles such as "On the Science Called Cabal", and also a positive assessment of the famous mystic Swedenborg was given.

Such an obvious propaganda of mysticism could not fail to attract the attention of the authorities. In a decree of December 23, 1785, Catherine II wrote that "many strange books" were being printed in Novikov's printing house and Archbishop Plato was ordered to examine them and test Novikov in the law of God. As a result, Novikov's circle was persecuted:

in 1786 the Philological Seminary and the Friendly Scientific Society were closed. As a result, student literary activity came to a standstill for several years.

Students of Moscow University took an active part in the social and literary life of Russia. Many of them were talented writers, poets; some of them became publishers. Thanks to the translation activities of students, Moscow and all of Russia got acquainted with Western literature. The process of education and upbringing continued outside the walls of university auditoriums, in private apartments. Student circles formed new views, laid a system of values, thus, the process of the student's entry into public life took place. This is how the “cultural colonization” of the urban space by the university took place.

Thus, the transfer of European university realities to Russia took place, although the local soil created a certain specificity. Moscow University, like European ones, was a corporation, the signs of which were relative autonomy, its own court, uniform, and some other privileges.

The everyday life of Moscow University students still bore the imprint of those estates from which they came, and the formation of a single “corporate” denominator in the period under review is out of the question. At the same time, communication brought young men from different social groups closer together and formed a single space of ideas. Ultimately, the initial history of the students of Moscow University at this time testifies to the ongoing process of the formation of a student corporation, the awareness of the community of interests and life tasks, which in many respects became characteristic of students in the middle of the 19th century.

The university brought together representatives of different classes through the organization general forms everyday life. Although for a long time raznochintsy prevailed among students and professors at the university, it was closely associated with the noble culture.

Federal Agency for Education
State educational institution
higher professional education
Vyatka State University
Faculty of Humanities
Department of "History of Russia"

COURSE WORK

« RUSSIAN STUDENTS IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX CENTURY »

Completed: student gr. Is-21 N.Yu. Kuritsyna

Scientific adviser: deputy of the department

N.I. Nikulina

Kirov 2011

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction …………………………………………………………………………… .3
1 Overview of university education in the second half of the 19th century ........... 6
2 University Charters …………………………………………………… 10
3 Students of Russia in the second half of the 19th century ……………………… .17
3.1 Social composition and worldview …………………………………… ... 17
3.2 Life and entertainment ……………………………………………………… ..22
3.3 National corporations and student associations ... .. ……………… ... 29
Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………… 34
References ………………………………………………………… ... 36

Introduction

University education has existed in Europe for over 900 years, and in Russia for about 300 years. The university is one of the most durable and fruitful creations of European genius. He played an outstanding role in the development and formation of modern science around the world.
The system of university education in Russia was significantly different from the western one, although it was its direct successor. It was the difference from others and the originality of the educational system that attracted scientists to the study of Russian universities.
First scientific research in history Russian universities appeared in the second half of the 19th century, first of all, to note the publication of the professor of Kiev University V. Ikonnikov "Russian universities in connection with the course of social development", placed in the "Bulletin of Europe" (1876, No. 9-11). The author made one of the first attempts to trace the development of the university idea in Russia and its implementation over a century and a half. He considered the history of universities in close connection with the social life of the country. Also noteworthy is the essay by P.N. Milyukov's "Universities of Russia", placed in volume 68 of the F.A. Brockhaus - I.A. Efron (St. Petersburg, 1902). This essay described in detail the development of Russian universities until the end of the 19th century, and contained a wealth of factual and statistical material.
Of the private subjects of university history, the greatest attention was paid to the student movement: Vydrin R.I. “Highlights of the student movement in Russia”, S. P. Melgunov “From the history of student societies in Russian universities”, etc.
After the 1917 revolution, the history of Russian universities did not receive due attention for several decades. And only after the 50s. interest in this issue has revived again. The main attention of Soviet historians was paid to the study of certain periods in the history of Russian universities. It is necessary to note the works of A.E. Ivanov, G.I. Shchetinina, R.G. Eimontova. All of them began with the publication of articles, and ended their research with solid monographs that represent a significant contribution to the historiography of Russian universities.
As if summing up some of the results of the study of domestic higher education before 1917, a group of authors published in 1995 the book “ Higher education in Russia: an outline of history before 1917 " The monograph contains a lot of interesting factual material, the appendices are of great value.
An independent university system has emerged and has developed in Russia, the role and place of which in the life of Russian society has not yet received comprehensive coverage. And without this, it is impossible to reform universities or bring their activities in line with the requirements of the present. Considering this and the fact that at present there are numerous reforms in the field of education, this study seems relevant.
When formulating the research topic, it was also taken into account that, referring to the humanitarian block of sciences, history is actively studying the life and everyday life of people within a certain historical stage. Proceeding from this, the study of higher education in Russia will be the most complete if it is carried out through the study of the student body.
The higher education system in Russia is not static. Reforms in this area have taken place and are taking place with enviable regularity. Usually the period of the most active transformations is associatedwith the accession to the throne of Alexander II, which determined the time frame of this study for the second half of the 19th century.
Thus, the object of study is the higher schools (universities) of post-reform Russia, considered in organic relationship with the situation of Russian students in the second half of the 19th century.
And, consequently, the subject of research is the historical process of reforming Russian higher education (universities) in the period from 60s to 90s. XIX century through university charters, everyday and worldview characteristics of the Russian students themselves of the era in question.
The aim of the research is to reveal the peculiarities of university education and student life in the given time frame. From which the following tasks follow:

Summarize information about the universities that existed in Russia in the second half of the 19th century.
Study the regulatory framework of universities and student associations.
Consider the social composition of the student body in the second half of the 19th century.
Reveal the role of the origin of students in the formation of the ideology of the student world.
Describe the daily life of a student of a given era.
Consider the activities and functions of student associations.

Following from the tasks set, the study is based on the analysis of normative sources, journalism and memoirs of the second half of the 19th century, as well as the study of the scientific works of Russian historians.
The structure of the coursework consists of an introduction, three chapters, a conclusion and a bibliography.
The provided research can be used by school teachers in teaching the course "History of the Fatherland" or in the formation of elective courses. And also for the preparation of students, both the Faculty of History and other profiles for seminars.

Chapter I. OVERVIEW OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX CENTURY

It is customary for the history of Russian universities to begin on January 28, 1724, when the Senate adopted a decree establishing the Academy of Sciences with a university and a gymnasium. Although officially St. Petersburg University began functioning as a university only in 1819. The first real higher educational institution in Russia to receive the status of a university was Moscow State University (MSU), opened in 1755.
Usually a new stage in the development of Russian universities is associated with the accession to the throne of Alexander II. However, facts indicate that already in the last year of the reign of Nicholas I, certain changes began in attitudes towards education in general, and universities in particular.
The Committee for the Transformation of Educational Institutions was created under the leadership of D. Bludov. In 1854, a new minister of public education, S. S. Norov (brother of the Decembrist), was appointed, who, together with his unofficial adviser A. V. Nikitenko (professor of the SPU and a liberal censor), presented the tsar with a report on the need to improve the situation in universities. If in 1854 Nicholas I did not allow to celebrate the 50th anniversary of Kazan University, then in 1855 the 100th anniversary of the MU was celebrated solemnly, and the tsar sent the University a Certificate of Appreciation on this occasion. In addition, in 1854, after a long hiatus, it was allowed to increase admission in some universities, but only in medical faculties.
With the beginning of the reign of Alexander II, the process of change accelerated, the most shy prohibitions of previous years were gradually canceled. Already in 1855, restrictions on the admission of students were lifted, and from 1856 graduates were again sent to foreign universities to prepare for a professorship, the rights of universities to elect rectors and deans were restored, and from 1859 it was allowed to subscribe books from abroad without censorship, since 1860 the former departments of philosophy and state law were revived, and new ones were opened in accordance with the requirements of the time. In a short time, there was a rapid growth in the number of university students, an average of 2 times over 8 years. There was a rapid change in the teaching staff, the professorship was renewed by almost 50% in 1855-1862, especially in law faculties.
Many young professors appeared in the departments, including those who were considered politically unreliable, subjected to exile, etc. Thus, NI Kostomarov was elected to the department of Russian history of the SPU, who had just returned from exile and replaced the conservative Ustryalov.
There was a radical change in the heads of universities, the trustees from the military were replaced by civilian officials. For example, an outstanding surgeon, Professor N.I. Pirogov (the first case in the history of Russian universities) became the trustee of Kiev University. Young talented scientists appeared as rectors: Kiev University was headed by 34-year-old professor Bunge N. (future Minister of Finance of Russia), Kazansky - by 32-year-old prof. chemistry A.M. Butlerov.
Enlightenment and science in the second half of the 19th century developed in more favorable conditions in comparison with the previous time. The abolition of serfdom and other bourgeois reforms contributed to the acceleration of economic progress and the development of the social movement.
By the middle of the 19th century in Russia there were: Moscow (1755), Derpt (from 1802), Vilensky, Kazansky, Kharkov (1804), Kiev, Petersburg (1819). After the adoption of the University Charter in 1863, two more universities were opened: Novorossiysk in Odessa (1865) and Warsaw (1869).
In addition to classical universities, the number of higher technical educational institutions has increased. Polytechnic institutes were founded in Kiev, Petersburg, Novocherkassk; Technological Institute in Tomsk.
Great strides were made in higher education - the number of universities reached ten by the end of the century. The university charter of 1863 gave universities almost complete autonomy in a wide variety of areas. But in 1884 the government Alexander III introduced a new charter that deprived universities of autonomy and increased supervision over them. In the 70-80s. the foundation was laid for women's higher education - courses were opened in different cities.
The number of students during the reign of Alexander II increased almost two and a half times (in 1854 - 3547 students, in 1880 - 8193 students) 1.
Under Alexander III, another university was opened - in Tomsk.The grand opening of the first university in Siberia took place on July 27, 1888. The Charter of 1884 was extended to the new university.However, at Tomsk University, students of theological seminaries were allowed to be admitted; among 72 freshmen in 1888, there were 30 graduates of gymnasiums, 40 - theological seminaries, 2 were transferred from other universities. 34 people, the first Siberian doctors, graduated from this admission in 1893. Features of Tomsk University: donations and long construction led to the fact that it turned out to be immediately well equipped, with many laboratories, a botanical garden, a library with almost 100 thousand books and magazines; among the students there were many expelled for participation in revolutionary activities from other universities, a significant number of them came from low-income families, besides, in Tomsk there were few opportunities for earning money, therefore, private donations for scholarships played an important role, which allowed many students to receive from 100 to 420 RUB in year. In subsequent years, there was a struggle to open new faculties in Tomsk, and in 1898 an admission to the Faculty of Law was announced, out of 142 accepted then, 47 graduated in 1902.
Thus, in the second half of the 19th century, higher education in Russia begins to develop even more actively in terms of both qualitative and quantitative indicators.

CHAPTER II. UNIVERSITY CHARTERS

Study of university charters in Russia in the 19th century. can make a significant contribution to understanding the multifaceted process of forming the regulatory framework of universities.
If in the West university life proceeded unhurriedly and measuredly, its organizational forms, which had developed over the centuries, practically did not change, and universities existed as separate entities, each with its own charter, then in Russia it found a very energetic dynamics and proceeded in much more acute and conflicting forms. ... This is because universities in the West started out as private enterprises led by founders at their own risk. The state, on the other hand, stood apart, as an outside observer or arbitrator.
In Russia, the association of professors has never played an independent role, as in the West, since professors were in the service and in relations with students acted on behalf of the state. Universities were created by the state, fully funded by the treasury, and were called imperial. Therefore, their statutes (the same for all) were carefully developed and adopted, as a rule, in the course of a polysyllabic legislative procedure, with the involvement of the best legal forces. Suffice it to recall that such outstanding statesmen and public figures as V.N. Karazin and M.M. Speransky. The statutes were approved by the emperor, which gave them the highest legal status and made them a kind of code of university life. During a period of less than a hundred years, four statutes were changed in the country (1804, 1835, 1863, 1884). Between the statutes of 1804 and 1884 lay a huge distance, in which, during the shortest period in history, an entire epoch could fit, and each of the statutes, in itself, represented major stages in the construction of a higher school. And each time these were largely different statutes, reflecting the significantly updated realities of university life. In this case, we are talking about the formation and formation of a new for Russia highly sensitive and active social community of students, which predetermined considerable problems and features of the law-making process. In the literature, the active role of the state in universities is assessed negatively: “Throughout the 19th century. Reforms and counterreforms in higher education are replaced four times in terms of the number of reigns of emperors. Tsarism is now retreating, then again goes to the attack on the relatively independent higher education. In an effort to reconcile the irreconcilable statehood and science, four times in the 19th century the higher school was reconstructed. " 2
Based on the chronological framework of this study, let us dwell in more detail on the Charters of 1863 and 1884.
The system of training scientific and pedagogical personnel of Russian universities was finally formed in the second half of the 19th century.
Established in accordance with the new university Charter, adopted on July 18, 1863, the system of training scientific and pedagogical personnel of universities was of an estate and selective nature. The government pursued an ambivalent policy in this regard. On the one hand, it could not fail to attract the best scientific and pedagogical forces to universities, but, on the other hand, it constantly tried to select them on a class basis in accordance with the requirement of reliability. At the same time, the second tendency clearly prevailed; as a result, universities and other higher educational institutions experienced an acute shortage of highly professional scientific and pedagogical personnel.
The state has taken many measures to combat the problem of staff shortages. According to the Charter of 1863, the number of lectures given by professors was not regulated, in contrast to the Charter of 1835. According to the latter, each professor was required to teach at least eight hours a week. The tenured professors read as many hours of lectures per week as the faculty assigned them based on the considerations they presented. As a result, universities were able to increase their teaching staff by 67 percent 3.
To provide the universities with the missing professors and teachers, the Ministry of Public Education in 1862 adopted a resolution on inviting foreign scientists to universities for the positions of professors and associate professors. The government also allowed the Minister of Education to send young scientists abroad to prepare them for the position of professor. The business travelers pledged to serve two years in the ministry for each year of their stay abroad. For the period 1862-1865, for example, 89 people were sent abroad 4. Similar business trips were made to other universities in the country.
The institute of candidates was also used to replenish the teaching staff of universities. Students who completed the full course of the university with excellent success and submitted a dissertation approved by the faculty received a candidate's degree and remained at the university for their master's and professorship. Those left at the university were under the supervision of professors, attended lectures on selected sciences and conducted practical exercises.
The acquisition of a master's degree required the passing of new oral examinations and a public defense of a thesis. A candidate in a year could apply for a master's degree. Masters after a year could apply for a doctorate, subject to the presentation and public defense of the dissertation. Academic degrees at universities could be awarded to both Russian citizens and foreigners.
The content, forms and methods of training young scientists, both in Russia and abroad, were determined by the universities themselves and presented through the trustee of the educational district at the discretion of the Ministry of Public Education.
In January 1864, a new regulation on testing for academic degrees was approved. In accordance with it, the number of categories of sciences for which doctoral and master's degrees were awarded was increased in all faculties. The new regulation canceled examinations for applicants for the degree of Doctor of Science, only the presentation of a thesis and its public defense (with the exception of the Doctor of Medical Sciences) were required.
The introduction of the new University Charter and Regulation contributed to the growth in the number of defended dissertations. During the period 1863-1874, 572 people received the doctorate degree, and 280 people received the master's degree (while in the previous 16 years these figures were 130 and 184, respectively).
Universities, in accordance with the Charter of 1863, had their own printing houses and bookstores, could publish periodicals, have their own censorship for abstracts and other scientific publications. In addition, universities, with the permission of the Minister of Public Education, were given the right to establish scientific societies to improve any specific part of the sciences. All this, of course, also created objective opportunities for improving the professionalism of the scientific and pedagogical staff of Russian universities.
According to the charter of 1863, they were admitted to the university from the age of 17,without entrance examinations for those who have successfully graduated from the gymnasium. The student signed on to comply with the university rules, the wearing of the uniform was canceled, outside the walls of the university, the student became subject to the police. The creation of student organizations was not allowed. The transfer of a student from one course to another became possible only through tests, those who graduated from the university with good grades and who submitted dissertations received a candidate's degree, and those who graduated satisfactorily and did not submit a dissertation were awarded the title of a real student. The category of state-owned students was eliminated and scholarships were introduced for those in need, lectures were charged by the universities (on average 40-50 rubles per year).
The Charter of 1863, which opened up new opportunities for the development of national education and science, existed only until 1884. After the assassination of Tsar Alexander II by the Narodnaya Volya in 1881, the government resumed its offensive on university autonomy and tightened control over teaching. Nevertheless, universities have retained themselves as centers of advanced scientific knowledge and spiritual life in Russia.
The university counter-reform was carried out in 1884 by the Minister of Public Education I.D. Delyanov, who, when asked about the reasons for the dismissal of one of the professors, answered that “he has only thoughts in his head” 5. Appointed to the post of Minister of Public Education in 1882, Delyanov submitted to the State Council a draft university reform developed by Count D.A. Tolstoy. Most of the members of the State Council opposed the project, but the opinion of the minority was approved, and on August 23, 1884, the "General Charter of Imperial Russian Universities" was issued, which constrained university autonomy by limiting university self-government. The authority of the district trustees over universities was greatly expanded. The rector was not elected by the council, but was appointed by the minister of public education, who henceforth could disregard the opinion of the professors when appointing teachers and could give the professors instructions, make reminders and comments 6.
The competence of the university council and faculty meetings was largely limited. Deans were appointed by the trustee, the post of vice-rector was abolished, the university court was destroyed. The exam for the students who graduated from the course was carried out in special state commissions, only those students who were credited with the established number of semesters were allowed to take part in the tests. Tuition fees have doubled overall.
The Charter of 1884 introduced a number of innovations into the practice of university education that have not lost their relevance today: "examination requirements", which in a sense meant the transition of higher education to unified curricula and programs and the introduction of a state educational standard in the modern sense of this phrase; restoration of actually full-time assistant professorship, abolition of the title of a real student and candidate, increasing the importance of practical training. Some of the provisions of the charter, although they were not implemented, were very attractive from the academic point of view by their formulation: giving the student the right to choose a lecturer, curriculum, the opportunity to listen to lectures from another faculty.
The new charter, although it limited the limits of university autonomy and academic freedoms to the framework of a single statehood, did not abolish them at all. The rectors and professors were still elected, with some practical limitations.
The above indicates that everything that happens in university life in the 80-90s. The 19th century, after the adoption of the charter of 1884, was more in line with the modernization of the university system than with fundamental reforms. But the ongoing modernization had a clearly pronounced political motive: to expel anti-government sentiments and opposition from universities, to turn the teaching staff into conscientious and obedient education officials, and students into “trustworthy” and organized students.
On the whole, the analysis of the statutory texts allows us to conclude: firstly, about the worthy, if not the central, place of students (the main object and subject of legal relations) in the university system and about the energetic dynamics of the statutory norms governing its legal relations; secondly, about the exclusive role of the state in university construction; third, the steady growth of legislative activity and the progressive nature of the movement of statutory norms. First of all, the materials of the analysis testify to the rapid, as practical experience accumulates, the growth of the normative mass itself, together with an increase in the quality of legal elaboration of norms.
In conclusion, it must be canceled that, on the whole, the level of university education in Russia was quite high, and at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries it fully corresponded to Western European education.

CHAPTER III. STUDENTS IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX CENTURY

3.1 Social composition and worldview

The social composition of the student body in Russia was much more democratic than, for example, in England or Germany, where children of the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie studied at universities almost exclusively. Tuition fees were low and there were many “fellows”.
The characteristic features of the Russian student fellowship, even brotherhood, in comparison with the order prevailing in famous British universities, were sharply noted by A.I. Herzen, who was well acquainted with the organization of university affairs in Russia and abroad: “Until 1848, the structure of our universities was clean democratic. Their doors were open to anyone who could pass the exam, and was neither a serf, nor a peasant, nor dismissed by his community. The motley youth, who came from above and below, from the south and north, quickly merged into a compact mass of fellowship. Social differences did not have with us the offensive influence that we find in English schools and barracks; I am not talking about English universities: they exist exclusively for the aristocracy and for the rich. A student who would have taken it into his head to boast of a white bone or wealth would be excommunicated from water and fire, tortured by his comrades ”7.
In contrast to closed educational institutions, in which mainly nobles studied, a significant number of students at universities were ordinary and poor people. To make ends meet, students were often forced to earn extra money. It was in the 19th century that the familiar appearance of a Russian student was formed, renting a cheap room and earning a living by private lessons or translations. True, the social status of the students was quite high. But poverty and homelessness at all times have been companions of Russian students.
Most of the Moscow students since the sixties of the XIX century consisted of the provincial poor, of commoners who had nothing to do with the townsfolk,
During the post-reform period, the number of university students continued to grow, and in 1880 there were already more than 8 thousand of them. The composition of the student body was changing, there were more students who needed scholarships and earned a living. So, at Kazan University in the early 70s. only 28% of students could subsist on their own money, and in Odessa the number of those in need reached 80%. For a number of categories of students, special scholarships were introduced. So, in 1863, 150 scholarships were established for former SPU students who studied at other universities and were preparing for the teaching rank. In 1862 Cyril and Methodius scholarships were established for students studying Slavic philology. They could be received by 4 students at Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kazan, Kharkov and Kiev universities (240 rubles per year).
etc.................

Introduction
1. Review of the largest universities in Russia in the second half of the 19th century
2 Reforms in the field of university education
2.1 University Charters
2.2 Legal status of students
3 Students of Russia in the second half of the 19th century
3.1 Social composition and worldview
3.2 Life and entertainment
3.3 Association of students
Conclusion
Bibliography

Introduction

The education reform, which has been going on permanently in Russia from 1996 to the present, raises a huge number of questions, an order of magnitude more than can be solved with its help. One way or another, the reform is aimed at modernizing our domestic education, which was previously considered the best in the world, following the model of Western European education. From a historical point of view, this is a return to the origins, since higher education in Russia appeared much later than in most European countries and was created according to the West European model and mainly by the "hands" of West European (German) scientists. However, those reforms that were carried out later left European scholasticism far behind, and now the reformers from education have decided to "catch up" with Europe again. Whether the reforms being carried out in today's Russia will really return Russian higher education to a worthy place in the world is still a question. And the fact that many traditions, and far from the worst ones, were thrown overboard during modernization is a fact.
In this regard, the relevance of studies of the history of the formation of modern Russian higher education, the historical experience of its reforming in the era of the “Great Reforms” of Alexander II, when Russia was once again “turned upside down”, and with it the system of higher education, is increasing.
At the same time in early XXI v. tendencies towards a change in value priorities that determine social development are becoming more and more obvious. Humanity is moving from an industrial society with a pronounced technocratism of thinking to a post-industrial, informational one, which presupposes a reassessment of the role of intelligence and human qualifications. The uniqueness of the course of these processes in modern Russia is due to the formation on its territory of a new system of social relations associated with a change in socio-political and economic paradigms. The scale and pace of these transformations force society to rely more and more on knowledge, therefore, at the present stage of development of Russia, education, in its inextricable connection with science, is becoming an increasingly powerful driving force of economic growth, increasing the efficiency and competitiveness of the national economy, which makes it one of the critical factors national security.
The object of the research is the higher schools (universities) of post-reform Russia, considered in organic relationship with the situation of Russian students in the second half of the 19th century.
The subject of this research is the historical process of reforming Russian higher education (universities) in the period from 60 to 90-s. XIX century through the university charters, as well as the very Russian students of that era.
The research is based on the analysis of normative sources, journalism and memoirs from the second half of the 19th century.

List of sources used

1. General Charter of the Imperial Universities. June 18, 1863 // Political history of Russia: Reader / Comp. IN AND. Kovalenko, A.N. Medushevsky, E.N. Moschelkov. Moscow: Aspect Press, 1996.624 p.
2. History of university education in pre-revolutionary Russia / Under total. ed. AND I. Saveliev. M .: Publishing house of NII VSh, 1993.55 p.
3. Eimontova R.G. Russian universities are on the verge of two centuries. From serf Russia to capitalist Russia. Moscow: Nauka, 1985.350 p.
4. Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries. 1755-1917 .: collection / Comp. Yu.N. Emelyanov. Moscow: Sovremennik, 1989.735 p.
5. Pushkarev S.G. Russia 1801-1917: Power and Society. M .: Posev, 2001.672 p.
6. Russia. Encyclopedic Dictionary. L .: Lenizdat, 1991.922 p.
7. Badaev M.I. Science and culture of Russia in the XIX century. - M .: Mysl, 1978, 327 p.
8. A.I. Herzen Compositions. T.5. - M .: Fiction, 1982, 604 p.
9. Complete collection laws Russian Empire... Collection 2. T. 1-55. from 12 Dec. 1825 to March 1, 1881 St. Petersburg, 1830-1884.
10. Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire. Collection 3. T. 1-33. SPb., 1884-Pg. 1916.
11. General Charter and Provisional Staff of Imperial Russian Universities. SPb., 1884., 38 p.
12. Russian universities in their charters and memoirs of contemporaries / Comp. THEM. Soloviev. SPb., 1914. Issue. 1.572 p.
13. Universities and secondary educational institutions for men and women in 50 provinces of European Russia. SPb., 1888.
14. Georgievsky A.I. A brief historical outline of government action against student riots. SPb., 1890.

Overall volume: 43 pages

Year: 2011

Introduction

Chapter I

University education and students in Russia in the 1850s - early 1860s

Chapter II

The legal status of Russian students

Chapter III

Material and everyday aspect of the situation of students in the second half of the XIX century

Conclusion

Introduction (excerpt)

Russian universities have always been islands of secular culture, education and creativity, which is impossible without some "freedom from" .... Freedom to some extent from power, ideology, freedom from isolation and class. The student body, on the other hand, always constituted a special group of people, which had its own customs, traditions, its own culture and identity. It was the relationship between students and universities, which acted as guides of state orders and politics, that were and were the subject of research by Russian scientists both before the revolution of 1917 and after.

The relevance of studying these relations has not disappeared to this day, because the authorities have always sought to control universities in order to be able to educate a loyal generation of young people. However, the paradox of this attitude of power is that it almost never succeeded. The students at all times, even with the most severe reaction, were aware of their unity, their interests and defended them in every possible way.

The purpose of this work is to try to solve a difficult dilemma: was the tsarist power the factor that determined not only the development of Russian students, but also predetermined its historical fate? Did the political weakness of the authorities, expressed in their dictatorship and authoritarianism, create such conditions for development that predetermined the role of the Russian intelligentsia in the future? That is, the purpose of this work is to try to answer the question about the role of autocracy in the formation of a special type of intelligentsia, active in the student years and passive in the years of the crisis of power, unable to do anything and somehow unfold the situation.

Conclusion (excerpt)

The role of the post-reform universities in social and political life was determined by deep objective prerequisites. It was not only the university problems proper that underlay the university crisis, which became especially acute by the beginning of the 20th century. The lack of resolution of the contradictions of a society in which the development of capitalism was restrained by survivals of serfdom, the absence of political freedoms at that time, created a tense political climate in Russia in the last quarter of the 19th century. Even during the reforms of the 60s, the government cut off any legal path to freedom, for it responded with repression even to simple petitions, because it never allowed even to speak freely about freedom.

Literature

SOURCES

1. Kovalevsky M.M. Moscow University in the late 70s and early 80s of the last century. Personal memoirs / Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries. 1755-1917. M., 1989

2. Lebedev V.A. Educational memoirs. / Russian antiquity 1908. № 7 - 10

3. General Charter of the Imperial Russian Universities in 1863 / w * w.lib.r * - Maxim Mashkov's Library.

4. Pisarev D.I. Works in 4 volumes. M., 1955 - 1956. T2

5. Complete Code of Laws of the Russian Empire / under. ed. A.A. Dobrovolsky. SPb 1911., book 2

6. Sechenov I.M. At Moscow University (1850 - 1856) / Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries. 1755-1917. M., 1989

7. Sorokin V. Memoirs of an old student / Russian antiquity 1888 №12

LITERATURE

1. Andreev A.Yu. Lectures on the history of Moscow University. 1755-1855. M., 2001

2. Borodzin I.N. Universities in the era of the 60s - In the book History of Russia in the 19th century. SPb. 1908 - 1909. T4

3. Great reforms in Russia 1856 - 1874 / ed. L.G. Zakharova et al. M., 1992

4. Georgievsky A.I. A brief outline of government measures and designs against student riots. SPb. 1890

5. Dzhanilyaev G.A. University autonomy / From the era of great reforms. 1893.10th ed. SPb., 1907

6. Yelenev F.P. Student riots. SPb. 1888.

7. Ikonnikov V.S. Russian universities in connection with the progress of public education / Bulletin of Europe, 1876. № 9 - 10

8. Klyuchevsky V.O. Russian history course / e-book. IDDK .2005

9. Leikina-Svirskaya VR Intelligentsia in Russia in 1901-1917. M., 1981

10. Leikina-Svirskaya VR Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the XIX century. M., 1971

11. Litvak B.G. The coup of 1861 in Russia: why the reformist alternative was not realized. M., 1991

12. Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries. 1755-1917. M., 1989

13. Pokrovsky M.N. Russian history since ancient times. M., 1934

14. The revolutionary situation in Russia in the middle. XIX century / Ed. M.V. Nechkina M., 1978

15. Rozhdestvensky S. V. Historical overview of the activities of the Ministry of Public Education. 1802-1902. SPb. 1902

16. Firsov N.A. Student stories at Kazan University 1855 - 1863 / Russian antiquity 1889. № 3,4, 6 - 8

17. Shchetinina GI Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. M., 1987

18. Shchetinina G. I. Universities in Russia and the Charter of 1884 Moscow, 1976

19. Eimontova R.G. Russian Universities on the Path of Reform: The Sixties of the 19th Century. M., 1993

20. Eimontova R.G. Russian universities on the verge of two eras. From serf Russia to capitalist Russia. M., 1985

Commentary by Academic Supervisor Marina Fadeeva, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Dean of the Faculty of History of the National Research University Higher School of Economics Alexander Kamensky

In the mass consciousness, a Russian student of the late 19th - early 20th centuries usually appears in the form of an eternally hungry, consumptive youth with a feverish gleam in his eyes and with a soul filled with the best revolutionary impulses. However, one has only to seriously think about how, even without referring to special literature, it becomes clear that, like many other stilted images that make up mass perceptions of the past, this one also does not stand up to criticism. After all, if all Russian students of that era were dying of consumption and were concerned not with studies, but exclusively with plans to fight the autocracy, in Russia at the beginning of the last century there would be no brilliant scientists, engineers, lawyers, doctors and people of all other professions who were trained Russian universities. And even during the period of revolutionary upheavals and the Civil War, for some reason, the Russian student body was by no means on the side of the Bolsheviks.

The organization of higher education in tsarist Russia, the university as a scientific corporation and many other topics related to this issue, of course, it is no coincidence that recently have become one of the most prominent areas of historical research. What today is often called the crisis of national education and science, has deep and by no means only economic roots. Researchers are concerned with the problems of the organization of the scientific community, its structure, the system of internal relations, the norms of scientific ethics. In this context, Marina Fadeeva's appeal to the history of Russian students seems to be quite logical and natural. However, as her scientific advisor, I dare to say that she came to her completely independently. Having become a student at the Faculty of History at the Higher School of Economics, she, apparently, and perhaps even without realizing it herself, experienced curiosity about the phenomenon of college students, which ultimately led her to this topic. Curiosity, as is well known, is the main driving force of science. Having once begun to study Russian students a century ago, Marina naturally discovered many far from resolved issues in this topic and was seriously carried away by it.

The history of the Russian pre-revolutionary student body is provided, though not too voluminous, but sufficiently representative historiography. In particular, in recent decades, a significant contribution to it has been made by several monographs by A.E. Ivanov, who is rightly considered the best expert on this topic. Marina Fadeeva's work, however, once again proves that in science there are no "closed" topics once and for all, and each new generation of historians asks the past new questions and receives new answers to them.

Marina Fadeeva, as a researcher just beginning her career in science and belonging to the youngest generation of Russian historians, is distinguished at the same time by respect for her predecessors, whose works she actively uses, and a healthy distrust of everything that she finds in them, the desire to double-check every “historical fact ”, document it. Her term paper presented here bears little resemblance to an ordinary student term paper, significantly surpassing it not only in volume (more than 120 pages!), But also in the variety of topics covered in it and the methods used. Not to mention the fact that in the coursework written in the second year you do not often come across links to archival sources! Another distinctive feature of the presented work is its consistency.

The author began with an attempt to understand what the student body is as a social group, what place it occupied in Russian society, what distinctive characteristics were supplied to its contemporaries and subsequent historiography, then moving on to its formal characteristics (number, social origin), and from them - to recreate the reality of everyday life, which she justly and in full accordance with the ideas of modern science considers as the basis for the formation of a worldview. To a reader who is not too sophisticated in the peculiarities of modern historical knowledge and who expects to find, first of all, information about the number of students who were inspired by the works of Lavrov, Bakunin, Mikhailovsky and Marx, while working with such a title, this approach may seem strange, and the abundance of tables and other digital material and completely turn away from careful reading. But as soon as you read it, you discover with pleasure how the next historical stereotypes begin to crumble. In addition, let us remember that we are facing only an intermediate stage on the way to big science, although it is not devoid of certain stylistic and compositional flaws, but it represents a very serious and thorough application.

Formation of the outlook of Moscow students at the end XIX - the beginning XX century

1. The concepts of "raznochintsy", "intelligentsia»

The concept of "students", like any definition, cannot be unambiguous. The concepts adjacent to it are just as diverse. The diverse component of the student body in the understanding of contemporaries and in the minds of researchers often overshadows other parts of the student body, many define the student body as a young intelligentsia, and therefore, in our opinion, on the eve of discussions about students, we should define what “commoners” and “intelligentsia” are.

Pre-revolutionary historiography already understood the raznochin differently: if Frommet defines raznochintsy as “people without a family, without a tribe, sometimes connected with the lower classes, always cut off from all classes of society, with high hopes and penniless, with dreams of a marshal staff and without any social status ", then S. Svatikov, on the contrary, calls the basic qualities of a commoner" a high understanding of the personality and an acutely expressed sense of self-esteem. "

B. Frommet's definition is similar to the notions of commoners prevailing in culture. As E. Wirtschafter writes, commoners and educated commoners were called commoners, initially to belittle or condemn demeanor. For example, A.N. Ostrovsky - these are students who have not completed their studies, non-nobles.

In Soviet historiography, the concept of "raznochintsy" is closely intertwined with the criterion of education. According to V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya, to XIX century"Those who received a rank or title by the right of education began to be called commoners."

Modern researchers emphasize the fact that categories of the population that often fall under the criteria of commoners did not use this term for self-determination. E. Wirtschafter also writes about the 19th century as a turning point in the definition of commoners: originally a transitional category of ignorant outsiders, they become part of the educated elite.

If by the period of interest to us the commoners are often defined through the presence of higher education, then it will be interesting to see how in the research literature they relate to the intelligentsia.

Modern historiography pays attention to this issue. Researchers such as S.G. Stafeev, V.V. Bocharov, E.I. Shcherbakov and L.G. Sukhotin either single out the "commoners" as part of the intelligentsia, or identify these concepts. For example, L.G. Sukhotina writes about the intelligentsia as "different in social composition."

In historiography, there are many definitions of the intelligentsia, each of the authors strives to give their own, the most complete and accurate, but no one succeeded in this endeavor. K.B. Sokolov, considering the well-established definitions of the intelligentsia, identifies three main criteria by which one or another part of society is singled out into a single group called "intelligentsia": an intellectual as a person with an appropriate level of education, or as a "good man", a valiant knight, "conscience people ”, educator, defender, or as a dissident.

Most of the definitions of the intelligentsia in the historiography we have examined can be divided into these three groups: V.V. Bocharov and B.I. Kolonitsky and V. Zhivov. Image " good man”Was mainly to the liking of Soviet researchers (in their works N.G. Chernyshevsky and N.A. Dobrolyubov formed intellectuals as people of the highest spiritual qualities), V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya, M.N. Tikhomirov and A.N. Olive. Both pre-revolutionary and modern authors believe in the "dissidence" of the intelligentsia. This is P.B. Struve, I.A. Ilyin, P.I. Novgorodtsev, E.I. Shcherbakova, E. Wirtschafter, S.M. Usmanov and L.G. Sukhotina.

K.B. himself Sokolov criticizes all three common approaches. In his opinion, “there is no doubt that the intelligentsia is not just a category or just a professional one. These are not just people of "mental labor" ", but also, for example, representatives of the village intelligentsia, and therefore the first criterion does not work. The author proposes to represent the concepts of "intelligentsia" and "educated class" in the form of two concentric circles, then the intelligentsia is an internal initiative, creative circle.

Also, the intelligentsia is only in a fit of narcissism, according to K.B. Sokolova, could position herself as "the conscience of the people." In addition, the defined group itself never identified itself with the revolutionaries, and the revolution did not position its intelligence.

Thus, the selected criteria, according to K.B. Sokolov, do not correspond to reality. However, he himself despairs of the possibility of ever ending the dispute about the intelligentsia once and for all and, it seems, comes to a certain agreement with the philologist V.S. Elistratov, who claims that in the meaning of this word you can find anything, but any definition will mean the best part of Russia.

What are the distinguishing features of the intelligentsia? Researchers of different generations and views distinguish split-off in it (V.M. Zhivov, P.B. Struve, E.I. Shcherbakova, P.I. Novgorodtsev), isolation, alienation (P.B. Struve, I.A. , E. Wirtschafter, L. G. Sukhotina), radicalism (E. I. Shcherbakova, S. M. Usmanov), skepticism, criticality, nihilism (I. A. Ilyin, L. G. Sukhotina, E. I. Shcherbakova ).

“Beggars, unarmed people throw kings from the throne out of love for their neighbors. Out of love for their homeland, the soldiers trample death with their feet, and she runs without looking back. Sages ascend to heaven and dive into hell itself - out of love for the truth. The earth is being rebuilt out of love for beauty. " Researchers imagined the intelligentsia to be just as versatile, and, perhaps, it was just as versatile in reality, not representing a homogeneous mass. We agree with K.B. Sokolov and, recognizing that "in general, it is already obvious that none of the known definitions of the intelligentsia is able to encompass and explain the entire phenomenon as a whole" and it comes on the concept “which does not have a clear detonation and includes an element of interpretation even when it is used”, let us turn to the definition of students and the identification of the characteristic features of its Russian part.

2. Definition of the student body, its characteristics in Russian realities

Student - A student of a higher education institution, university or academy.
V. Dahl. Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language

The student body is viewed as a special society that has formed around a given educational institution and makes an independent contribution to public life.
Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half Xviii - first quarter XIX v.

As epigraphs to this part, we took two definitions of students: given in the Explanatory Dictionary of a contemporary of the period we are considering - V.I. Dahl and formulated in the work of a contemporary researcher. From these statements, it is clear that for two centuries, ideas about the subject of interest to us have not undergone significant changes.

The research literature tends to contrast the student body and its characteristic features depending on the geography of study: in Russian and foreign students they do not see much similarity, except for the fact of obtaining a higher education. An exception is the position of B. Frommet, who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, disputed the widespread assertions that were contemporary to him, “that only in Russia, students dare to claim active participation in the political life of the country, [which] is undoubtedly wrong, or at least is greatly exaggerated. "

Most of the researchers who have addressed this issue are inclined to oppose Russian students to foreign students. This tradition begins with pre-revolutionary authors. For example, G.B. Sliozberg sees the answer to the question of whether revolutionaryness is a specific feature of Russian students in the "difference in the composition of students": in Europe, higher education was the lot of the elite, and therefore the material question that played such a big role in the life of Russian students was not there at all.

Our contemporaries V.V. Ponomarev and L.B. Khoroshilov's explanation for such a significant difference is found in the very culture of universities. The Russian path “was the opposite of the Western European path, where the experience, traditions, and culture accumulated in society completely determined the lifestyle of educational institutions, while in our country, in many respects, the opposite - educational institutions created according to someone else’s model, themselves, sometimes by touch, created traditions as well, and culture, formed an experience that, decades later, will form the basis of the traditions of the next generations of educational institutions. "

Let us turn to questions that are closer to our topic and, on the basis of the Moscow censuses (1882 and 1902), we will look at the share of students in the total mass of the Moscow population and at the quantitative changes taking place with this group. First, we present data that allow us to judge the percentage of the male population of the age we need (from 18 to 30 years - the most common age of students) to the entire mass of the population of Moscow, and then we will correlate these men with the number of students.

Let's make a reservation in advance that we are interested in ages from 18 to 30 years old and from the variety of all students, only students, therefore, in the tables we will only provide data for these ages and categories.

Table 1. Distribution by age of the male population (1882) .

Age	Husband.	Total
15–20	7,00%	12,00%
20–25	8,00%	12,00%
25–30	7,00%	11,00%
Total	57,00%	100,00%

The table shows that out of the total population of Moscow in 1882, we will be interested in 22% of men. Let's correlate them with the number of students.

Table 2. Distribution by the degree of education of the male population (1882)

	Windows.	Not OK.	Total
Universities	2785	703	3488

So, in total in 1882, 432,447 males lived in Moscow, of which 22% were men aged 18 to 30, i.e. 95,138 people. Of these, 3488 people were listed as students at the university. This means that 0.8% of men in Moscow were students in 1882.

Let us now look at the changes that took place by 1902.

Table 3. Distribution by age of the male population (1902)

Age (years old)		Born
	In Moscow	Outside Moscow	Total
18	3148	15 374	18 522
19	2722	14 637	17 359
20	2524	16 025	18 549
21	2288	15 829	18 117
22	2180	17 723	19 903
23	2045	16 506	18 551
24	1937	15 037	16 974
25	2038	16 730	18 768
26	1992	14 754	16 746
27	2022	16 275	18 297
28	2079	16 332	18 411
29	1765	12 346	14 111
30	2080	16 725	18 805

According to these data, of the total population of Moscow in 1882, we will be interested in 38% of men. Let's correlate them with the number of students.

Table 4. Distribution by educational level of the male population (1902)

Age (years old)	Total [students in tertiary education]	Universities
18	1742	173
19	1488	474
20	1430	800
21	1389	962
22	1146	902
23	969	776
24	719	602
25	536	418
26	324	250
27	197	145
28	101	59
29	58	35
30 and more	158	76
Total	43981	5690

In 1882, 613,303 males lived in Moscow, of which 38% were men between the ages of 18 and 30, i.e. 233,113 people. Of these, 5690 people are listed as students at the university, which means that in 1902 0.92% of men in Moscow were students.

Thus, over the 20 years from 1882 to 1902, the number of students at universities increased: from 3488 to 5690 people and increased from only 0.8% to 0.92%.

“What is the look of a Russian student? Undoubtedly, the Russian student body was a group of young people, imbued in the vast majority with the desire to develop principles for future activities - a group that had its common features and was imbued with a special mood, ”wrote G.B. Sliozberg.

On the basis of the studied historiography, the memoirs of students and professors, as well as information from official reports, we will try to determine these common features and highlight the distinctive features of Russian students.

There is no less controversy in defining the student body than in the case of the intelligentsia. So, according to S. Kassov, the student body was distinguished by "a clear sense of corporate identity", as well as "a sense of the student family." According to A.M. Annenkov, “as a distinctive feature in the student environment of the first third of the 19th century. one can single out freedom of opinion and speech ”, and G. B. Sliozberg - "the presence of heterogeneous students among the students, alien in education and habits of the elements." V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya insists that "the Russian students had a democratic character." “The expectations of beneficial changes in Russian society"Notes A.E. Ivanov. V.E. Baghdasaryan is convinced that "the departure of students to the revolution was a manifestation of the crisis of youthful socialization." “Professors, as well as a significant part of the so-called educated society [in fact, the intelligentsia], bring up in the young generation, in short, a revolutionary spirit,” says Professor N.P. Bogolepov. “The growth of the student movement has given rise to a powerful impetus to self-knowledge among students at higher educational institutions,” writes Yu.D. Margolis, “as far as society is concerned, in this era the blue band of a student was a patent for trust,” S. Svatikov emphasizes.

From this variety of striking characteristics, it becomes clear mainly only that the main features of the student body were its diversity and heterogeneity. What are the inherent qualities of a Russian student at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century?

We have identified the following ten characteristics: community and solidarity; striving to develop ideals and norms of behavior; transitivity and heterogeneity; democracy; search for yourself; corporation; own ideas about the future; the state of political views; commitment to certain ideas and, finally, interaction with society.

The highlighted features of the student body are understood in different ways by historiography and the authors of sources: some are noted only by the authors of a certain era, others are accepted by the majority, and many turn out to be controversial. Let's consider them sequentially.

Let us first turn to the traits of the student body, understood in a similar way. All authors note, firstly, the desire of students for community and solidarity (information from the "Report of the Commission of Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest", works by S. Melgunov, S. Svatikov, S. Kassov, P.V. Grishunin, A. M. Feofanov and E. Vishlenkova, R. Galiullina, K. Ilyina). Secondly, it is noted their desire to develop ideals and norms of behavior, proclaiming the ideals of freedom, morality, ideological life (information provided by S. Melgunov, "Report of the Judicial Commission for 1893/1894", S. Svatikov, A.E. Ivanov, G.I.Schetinina, S. Kassov and A.M. Annenkov). Thirdly, the transition and heterogeneity of the student body, who came from different social strata and at the university transformed into something, on the one hand, completely new, and on the other hand, retaining traces of the original estate and class affiliation (data from G.B. Sliozberg, V. R. Leikina-Svirskaya, A.E. Ivanov, N.G. Georgieva, S. Kassov, V.N.Simonov and A.M. Feofanova). Fourth, it is the democratic character of the student body in various spheres of life (the ideas of S. Svatikov, V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya, A.E. Ivanov and N.G. Georgieva). And, fifthly, students' search for themselves (the convictions of S. Melgunov, B. Frommet, S. Kassov, Yu.D. Margolis and N.G. Zavadsky).

The other five features are controversial in the interpretation of researchers. This is, firstly, the corporatism of students, which most call one of the main features of the student body (R. Vydrin, A.E. Ivanov, S. Kassov, O.A. Vakhterova, P.V. Grishunin, I.V. Zimin and E. Vishlenkova, R. Galiullina, K. Ilyina), while others, on the contrary, write about the destruction of corporatism by the charter of 1884 (information from the "Report of the Commission of Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest" and SI Mitskevich). Secondly, their ideas about the future: uncertain (in the interpretation of G.B.Sliozberg and S. Kassov) and confidence in changes (A.E. Ivanov). Third, the state of political views is assessed by researchers in different ways. They are almost equally divided in their opinions: some speak about the uncertainty and heterogeneity of student ideas (R. Vydrin, A. Saltykov, V.B. Elyashevich, M.V. Sabashnikov, S. Kassov, V.N. Simonov and A.M. Annenkov), others write about political differentiation and activity (GB Sliozberg, V. Lind, GA Veselaya, AE Ivanov, SI Radtsig, NG Zavadsky, V.E. Baghdasaryan). Fourth, the commitment of the Russian students to certain ideas: we learn either about the students' inclination towards liberal ideas (A. Saltykov and Yu.K. Rachkovskaya), or about their revolutionary worldview (N.I. Khudyakov, G.I.Schetinina, S. D. Speshkov and N.G. Zavadsky). And, finally, fifthly, the interaction of students and society is also regarded ambiguously: if the majority is inclined to their mutual trust (Moscow University Commission of 1901 on the causes of student unrest, S.D. Speshkov, B. Frommet, V. Kurbsky, S. Svatikov, G.B.Sliozberg and A.S. Izgoev), then the rest write about the student body outside the society (S. Melgunov) or about the distrust of society towards students (in the views of the Judicial Commission [student]).

This is how the image of Russian students at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries appears in the sources and works of researchers.

3. Correlation of the concepts of students, intelligentsia and commoners

Above, we spoke about the intelligentsia, its definitions and characteristics, as well as the definition of Russian students and their inherent features. Now let's look at how these concepts are combined from the point of view of researchers from different eras.

Regardless of the time of the creation of their works, various authors are unanimous in their assessments. S. Svatikov, G.B. Sliozberg, A. Saltykov, N.G. Georgieva, G.I. Shchetinina, N.G. Zavadsky and B.I. Kolonitsky.

Some researchers separately emphasize that the student body was "the quintessence of the Russian intelligentsia." We find such statements, in particular, in the works of R. Vydrin, A.E. Ivanova and K.B. Sokolov.

Thus, we have shown how historiography evaluates the commoners, the intelligentsia and the student body, what characteristic features stand out in each case, and how these concepts are combined with each other. To understand the relationship between these three concepts and to understand the essence of the student body, we expressed this relationship in a diagram.

Scheme 1

Let us briefly explain the structure of the circuit. First, let us explain the inclusion of the intelligentsia in the educated population only as a part. This is due to our agreement with the ideas of S.G. Stafeev, who defines the intelligentsia in Russian realities. He is convinced that “unlike Western intellectuals, for whom the main criterion for classifying them in this stratum was professional mental work, in Russia, the intelligentsia began to call people distinguished, first of all, by two characteristic features: the desire to selflessly serve the people, express and to defend his interests and irreconcilable opposition in relation to political power ”. Thus, in Russian realities, along with the level of education, one of the main criteria of the intelligentsia is its opposition. Further, according to E.K. Wirtschafter, the commoners are fully included in the intelligentsia, because were its most radical part. As for the student body, it seemed important to us to emphasize its heterogeneity, not only socially, but also in terms of beliefs. After all, even the pre-revolutionary researcher S. Svatikov emphasized that "the hegemony of an intelligent commoner was so strong in the student body that his appearance overshadowed other types of youth." Therefore, on the diagram, the student body is represented, on the one hand, as a part of the intelligentsia and, accordingly, a part of the commoners, and on the other hand, and as a part of the educated population, i.e. loyal to the government, holders of higher education.

4. The origins of the student body (Xviii- StartXIXcentury)

The selected chronological framework for this work is the middle of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th century (1860-1904), therefore, the time preceding this period can be referred to as the origins of the student body. On the basis of historiography, we will show how students were understood in the era of their inception, and look at the evolution within this process, so that later, when analyzing the students of the period we have chosen, it would be possible to trace the causes and evolution of certain ideas of students and their perception by society, the authorities and the students of Moscow. university.

First, let's follow the quantitative changes in the number of students.

Table 5. Changes in the number of students in Russia (1808-1894)

Year	Number of students, people
1808	150
1830	1996
1850	3368
1860	5453
1865	5453
1872	7251
1894	8193

Table 6. Changes in the number of students at Moscow and St. Petersburg universities (1850-1894)

Year / University	1850	1880	1885	1890	1894
Moskovsky	821	1881	3179	3492	3761
Petersburg	387	1675	2340	1815	2676

What are the changes in the number of students in Russia? From 1808 to 1894, the number of students increased from 150 to 8193, i.e. 55 times. The number of students at Moscow University also increased: from 1850 to 1894, the number of students increased 4.5 times (from 821 to 3761 people).

Let's divide the time of the origins into two periods - the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century - and consider them sequentially.

The 18th century is presented in historiography as follows. One of the pre-revolutionary researchers of the student movement emphasizes at this time the fact that “the university education available only to one nobility did not open up especially tempting prospects for the student body, because the conditions of the serfdom impeded any cultural undertaking ”.

Contemporary authors tell in detail about the time of the birth of Russian universities. In the book “Higher Education in Russia. Essay on history before 1917 "it is reported that" all types and types of higher educational institutions were created at the initiative of the state and at the expense of the state ", and therefore" the state slowed down any manifestation of public goals, if they did not pursue pragmatic objectives. " V.A. Zmeev notes that "universities began to really influence changes in the social-class composition of the population of St. Petersburg and Moscow, to help solve urgent urban problems," clothes ".

With regard to the beginning of the 19th century, the collection "Higher Education in Russia ..." characterizes the changes in government policy in the field of education as follows. “Autonomy and authoritarianism changed; the recognition of higher education as an intrinsic value was given with difficulties both in the sphere of government and in a slowly evolving society. "

A.M. Annenkov dwells in detail on the characteristics of the student body of this period. He writes that “already at the beginning of the 19th century. young people entering the university saw in it the main means for realizing their abilities and desires ", noting that" most of the students studied willingly and seriously "," however, with all the "thirst for knowledge", the general educational level of students remained low qualifications of the teaching staff and imperfect forms of education. " Speaking about the life of the pupils of the Moscow University, he says that the students read willingly and in large quantities, and “books and magazines prohibited by the official censorship were especially popular,” the theater was also a kind of leisure. “As a distinctive feature in the student environment of the first third of the 19th century. freedom of opinion and speech can be distinguished, ”the researcher concludes. The theme of student life is continued by N.V. Makarov, stressing that "students of Moscow University were distinguished by frequent visits to taverns, which Moscow had enough." In addition to the theater, in her opinion, “student gatherings were a characteristic feature of student life in the first half of the 19th century. Young people gathered informally, discussed university life, professors, various issues of Russian life. At these "gatherings" there were sometimes drinking parties. " In general, “the students of the first universities were not well-behaved,” the researcher concludes. E. Vishlenkova, R. Galiullina and K. Ilyina complete the characterization of the student body at the beginning of the 19th century. They emphasize the fact that “in the 1830s, the Russian student acquired clear identification marks”, became more educated and older.

Notes (edit)

1. Frommet B. Essay on the history of students in Russia. SPb., 1912.S. 27.

2. Svatikov S. Students before and now // The way of students. Sat. articles. Private collection of receipts for the fund of the Moscow student house. M., 1916, pp. 1–19 (hereinafter: Svatikov S. Students before and now ...).

3. Wirtschafter E.K. Social Structures: Commoners in the Russian Empire. Per. from English T.P. Party. Ed. A.B. Kamensky. M .: Logos, 2002 (hereinafter: Wirtschafter E.K. ).

4. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. Moscow. 1971, p. 25 (hereinafter: Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. Intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ...).

5. Stafeev S.G. The Russian intelligentsia and its role in the social movement (second half of the 19th century) // Man, culture, society: interuniversity. Sat. scientific. tr. / Editorial board .: N.V. Dulina (editor-in-chief) and others / VolgGTU. Volgograd, 2005. Issue. 2.P. 67–76. (Further: Stafeev S.G. The Russian intelligentsia and its role in the social movement (second half of the 19th century) ...).

6. Bocharov V.V. Intelligentsia and Violence: Socio-Anthropological Aspect // Anthropology of Violence. RAS. Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology named after Miklouho-Maclay. Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography. Peter the Great (Kunstkamera). Saint Petersburg State University. Resp. Ed. V.V. Bocharov, V.A. Tishkov. Saint Petersburg: Nauka, 2001, pp. 39–85 (hereinafter: Bocharov V.V. Intellectuals and Violence: Socio-Anthropological Aspect ...).

7. Shcherbakova E.I. Miscellaneous intelligentsia of the 60s of the XIX century as a potential enemy of the bodies of political investigation // Historical readings on the Lubyanka. Russian special services at the turn of eras: the end of the 19th century - 1922. M., Veliky Novgorod, 1999.S. 48–55 (hereinafter: Shcherbakova E.I. The various intelligentsia of the 60s of the XIX century as a potential enemy of the bodies of political investigation ...).

8. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought. Publishing house of Tomsk University, 2008 (hereinafter: Sukhotina L.G. ).

9. Ibid. P. 14.

10. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life. SPb., 2007 (hereinafter: Sokolov K.B. ).

11. Bocharov V.V. Intellectuals and Violence: Socio-Anthropological Aspect ...

12. Kolonitskiy B.I. Intelligentsia in the late 19th - early 20th centuries: self-awareness of contemporaries and research approaches // From the history of the Russian intelligentsia. Collection of materials and articles dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.R. Leikina-Svirskaya. SPb., 2003. S. 181–201 (hereinafter: Kolonitskiy B.I. Intelligentsia in the late 19th - early 20th centuries: self-awareness of contemporaries and research approaches ...).

13. Zhivov V. Marginal culture in Russia and the birth of the intelligentsia. // New literary review. 1999.No. 37 (hereinafter: Zhivov V. Marginal culture in Russia and the birth of the intelligentsia ...).

14. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ...

15. History of Moscow University. Volume I. Ed. ed. M.N. Tikhomirov. M., 1955.

16. Maslin A.N. Materialism and revolutionary democratic ideology in Russia in the 60s of the XIX century. M., 1960.

17. Struve P.B. The intelligentsia and the revolution (1909) // Russian sources of modern social philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993.S. 190–204 (hereinafter: Struve P.B. The intelligentsia and the revolution ...).

18. Ilyin I.A. On the Russian intelligentsia (1927) // Russian sources of modern social philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993.S. 275–281 (hereinafter: Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia ...).

19. P.I. Novgorodtsev On the ways and tasks of the Russian intelligentsia (1918) // Russian sources of modern social philosophy. Intelligentsia. Power. People. M., 1993. S. 225–241 (hereinafter: P.I. Novgorodtsev About the ways and tasks of the Russian intelligentsia ...).

20. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century). Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1996 (hereinafter: Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ...).

21. Wirtschafter E.K. Social Structures: Commoners in the Russian Empire ...

22. Usmanov S.M. Desperate dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the XIX - early XX century. Ivanovo, 1998 (hereinafter: Usmanov S.M. Desperate dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the XIX - early XX century ...).

23. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ...

24. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ...

25. Zhivov V. Marginal culture in Russia and the birth of the intelligentsia ... P. 39.

26. Struve P.B.

27. Shcherbakova E.I.

28. P.I. Novgorodtsev On the ways and tasks of the Russian intelligentsia ... P. 237.

29. Struve P.B. The intelligentsia and the revolution ... p. 192.

30. Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia ... p. 277.

31. Wirtschafter E.K. Social Structures: Commoners in the Russian Empire ...

32. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ... P. 14.

33. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ... P. 53.

34. Usmanov S.M. Desperate dreams. Russian intelligentsia between East and West in the second half of the XIX - early XX century ... P. 5.

35. Ilyin I.A. About the Russian intelligentsia ...

36. Sukhotina L.G. Russian intelligentsia and social thought ...

37. Shcherbakova E.I. Ethics of revolutionary action (60s of the XIX century) ... P. 53.

38. Schwartz E.L. An ordinary miracle: plays, fairy tales. M .: Eksmo. 2011.S. 559-560.

39. Sokolov K.B. The Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ... P. 38.

40. Ibid. P. 39.

41. Dahl V. Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language. M., 1956.T. IV. Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language by Vladimir Dahl. Second edition, revised and significantly multiplied from the author's manuscript. Volume four. SPb., M., 1882.S. 347.

42. Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th century. Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 2006 (hereinafter: Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th century ...).

43. Frommet B. Essay on the history of students in Russia ... p. 1.

44. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students // In memory of Russian students. Paris, 1934, pp. 82–95 (hereinafter: Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ...).

45. Ponomareva V.V., Khoroshilova L.B. University Noble boarding house. 1779-1830 Moscow: New Chronograph, 2006.S. 63.

46. ​​Census of Moscow in 1882. Issue II. Population and Occupation. M .: City Printing House, 1885 (hereinafter: Moscow Census 1882. Issue II. Population and Occupations ...).

47. Ibid. P. 77.

48. Ibid. P. 77.

49. Census of Moscow in 1902. Part I. Population. Issue 1. Population by sex, age, field, length of stay in Moscow, marital status, class, literacy and educational level. Published by the Statistical Department of the Moscow City Council. M., 1904 (hereinafter: Moscow Census 1902. Part I. Population. Issue 1. Population by sex, age, field, length of stay in Moscow, marital status, class, literacy and degree of education ...).

50. Ibid. P. 38.

51. Ibid. P. 106.

52. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... p. 82.

53. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia. L .: University of California Press, 1989. P. 54 (hereinafter: Kassow S.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia ...).

54. Ibid. S. 48–49.

55. Annenkov A.M. Russian students of the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries // Culture of historical memory. Materials of the scientific conference (September 19-22, 2011). Petrozavodsk, 2002, pp. 106–113. P. 112 (hereinafter: Annenkov A.M. Russian students of the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries ...).

56. Sliozberg G.B.

57. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R.

58. Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization. M., 2004.S. 288 (hereinafter: Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ...).

59. Baghdasaryan V.E. Motives of student deviant behavior in the late XIX - early XX century. // Russian students: living conditions and everyday life (XVIII – XXI centuries). All-Russian Scientific Conference. Collections of scientific articles. M., 2004.S. 83 (hereinafter: Baghdasaryan V.E. Motives of student deviant behavior in the late XIX - early XX century. // Russian students: living conditions and everyday life (XVIII – XXI centuries) ...).

60. From the notes of professor N.P. Bogolepova. A page from the life of Moscow University. M., 1911. S. 55 (hereinafter: From the notes of Professor NP Bogolepov. A page from the life of Moscow University ...).

61. Y.D. Margolis Student censuses in Russia 1872-1912. // Medieval and new Russia... Collection of scientific articles. To the 60th anniversary of prof. AND I. Froyanov. SPb., 1996.S. 658 (hereinafter: Margolis Y.D... Student censuses in Russia 1872–1912 ...).

62. Svatikov S.

63. Materials on the university issue. Issue 2. Report of the Commission of Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest. Stuttgart, 1904. S. 59 (hereinafter: Materials on the university issue. Issue 2. Report of the commission of Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest ...).

64. Melgunov S. Student organizations 80-90 at Moscow University (according to archival data). M., 1908.S. 3 (hereinafter: Melgunov S. Student organizations 80-90 at Moscow University (according to archival data) ...).

65. Svatikov S.

66. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia ... P. 22.

67. Grishunin P.V. Students of the Metropolitan Universities: The Structures of Everyday Life. 1820-1880s Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. SPb., 2005.S. 18 (hereinafter: Grishunin P.V. Students of the Metropolitan Universities: The Structures of Everyday Life. 1820-1880s ...).

68. Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th century ... pp. 25–26.

69. Russian professors. University corporation or professional solidarity. M .: NLO, 2012.S. 59 (hereinafter: Vishlenkova E., Galiullina R., Ilyina K. Russian professors. University corporation or professional solidarity ...).

70. Melgunov S. From the history of student societies in Russian universities. M., 1904.S. 1 (hereinafter: Melgunov S. From the history of student societies in Russian universities ...).

71. Report of the judicial commission for 1893/1894 // From the notes of professor N.P. Bogolepova. A page from the life of Moscow University. M., 1911.S. 109.

72. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... p. 10.

73. Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political image // Revolutionary movement of the democratic intelligentsia of Russia in the period of imperialism. Collection of scientific papers. M., 1984.S. 123 (hereinafter: Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political image ...).

74. G.I. Shchetinina Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. Last quarter of the 19th century Abstract for the degree of Doctor of Historical Sciences. M., 1988.S. 42 (hereinafter: G.I. Shchetinina Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. The last quarter of the 19th century ...).

75. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia ... P. 52.

76. Annenkov A.M.

77. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... p. 94.

78. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ... P. 27.

79. Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899-1904. Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1975.S. 14 (hereinafter: Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899–1904 ...).

80. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution // Intelligentsia and revolution. XX century. Resp. ed. Doctor of History K.V. Gusev. M., 1985.S. 90 (hereinafter: Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ...).

81. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia. P. 401.

82. Simonov V.N. Pupils of Moscow University are active participants in the political movement in the late XIX - early. XX century Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1995.S. 13 (hereinafter: Simonov V.N. Pupils of Moscow University are active participants in the political movement in the late XIX - early. XX century ...).

83. Feofanov A.M. Students of Moscow University in the second half of the 18th - first quarter of the 19th century ... P. 25.

84. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... p. 15.

85. Leikina-Svirskaya V.R. The intelligentsia in Russia in the second half of the 19th century ... P. 27.

86. Ivanov A.E. University policy of autocracy on the eve of the first Russian revolution of 1899–1904 ... P. 13; Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political image ... p. 113.

87. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ... p. 91.

88. Melgunov S. Student organizations 80-90 at Moscow University (according to archival data) ... p. 103.

89. Frommet B. Essay on the history of students in Russia ... p. 58.

90. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia ... P. 399.

91. Y.D. Margolis Student censuses in Russia in 1872–1912 ... p. 658.

92. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914 SPb., 1998.S. 31 (hereinafter: Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914 ...).

93. Vydrin R. Highlights of the student movement in Russia. M., 1908.S. 28 (hereinafter: Vydrin R. Highlights of the student movement in Russia ...).

94. Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political image ... p. 123; Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ... P. 389.

95. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia ... P. 54.

96. Vakhterova O.A. Students and government in Russia in the second half of the XIX - early XX century // Power and Society. Interuniversity collection of scientific papers. SPb., 2000.S. 60.

97. Grishunin P.V. Students of the Metropolitan Universities: The Structures of Everyday Life. 1820-1880s ... p. 17.

98. I. V. Zimin Student uniform and badges in Russia in the XIX - early XX century // Facts and versions. Historical and Cultural Almanac. Book. IV. Methodology. Symbolism. Semantics. SPb., 2005.S. 112 (hereinafter: I. V. Zimin Student uniforms and badges in Russia in the 19th - early 20th centuries ...).

99. Materials on the university issue. Issue 2. Report of the Commission of Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest ... p. 13.

100. Mitskevich S.I. Notes of a public physician. 1888-1918 M.-L., 1941.S. 7.

101. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... p. 83.

102. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia ... P. 403.

103. Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ... P. 288.

104. Vydrin R. The main points of the student movement in Russia ... P. 14.

105. Saltykov A. Moscow University in 1890-1895 // In memory of Russian students. Paris, 1934, p. 96 (hereinafter: Saltykov A. Moscow University in 1890-1895 ...).

106. Elyashevich V.B. From the memoirs of an old Moscow student (1892–1896) // In memory of Russian students. Paris, 1934, p. 107 (hereinafter: Elyashevich V.B. From the memoirs of an old Moscow student (1892–1896) ...).

107. Sabashnikov M.V. Memories // Moscow University in the memoirs of contemporaries (1755-1917). M., 1989.S. 580 (hereinafter: Sabashnikov M.V. Memories…).

108. KassowS.D. Students, Professors and State in the Tsarist Russia ... P. 196.

109. Simonov V.N. Pupils of Moscow University are active participants in the political movement in the late XIX - early. XX century ... p. 22.

110. Annenkov A.M. Russian students of the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries ... P. 112.

111. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... p. 84.

112. Lind W. Memories of my life. Moscow University ... P. 250.

113. Veselaya G.A. Mass public demonstrations of Moscow students in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. (1896-1904). Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. M., 1974.S. 11.

114. Ivanov A.E. Russian university students on the eve of the first Russian revolution. Socio-political image ... p. 121.

115. Radtsig S.I. Pages from memoirs ... p. 597.

116. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914 ... p. 37.

117. Baghdasaryan V.E. Motives of deviant behavior of students in the late XIX - early XX century ... P. 83.

118. Saltykov A.

119. Rachkovskaya Yu.K. Students of St. Petersburg and Moscow in the light of the authors of the liberal movement (late 19th - early 20th centuries). Abstract for the degree of candidate of historical sciences. SPb., 1999.S. 17.

120. Khudyakov N.I. Karakozovts' notes. Moscow University (1859-1860) ... p. 438.

121. G.I. Shchetinina Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. The last quarter of the 19th century ... p. 35.

122. Speshkov S.D. A note drawn up on behalf of the Minister of Public Education by a member of the Council by secret adviser Speshkov about various organizations among students and students in various educational institutions ... p. 19.

123. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914 ... p. 37

124. Materials on the university issue. Issue 2. Report of the Commission of Moscow University in 1901 on the causes of student unrest ... p. 23

125. Speshkov S.D. A note drawn up on behalf of the Minister of Public Education by a member of the Council by secret adviser Speshkov about various organizations among students and students in various educational institutions ... p. 17.

126. Frommet B. Essay on the history of students in Russia ... p. 29.

127. Kurbsky V. Essays on student life (from the diary of a former student) ... p. 53.

128. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... p. 15.

129. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... p. 94.

130. S. 205 [By: Izgoev A.S. About intelligent youth (Notes on her life and moods) // Vekhi. From the depth. M., 1991, S. 112].

131. Melgunov S. Student organizations 80-90 at Moscow University (according to archival data) ... P. 88.

132. Report of the judicial commission for 1893/1894 ... S. 131.

133. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901–1914 ... p. 161.

134. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... p. 15.

135. Sliozberg G.B. Pre-revolutionary Russian students ... p. 94.

136. Saltykov A. Moscow University in 1890-1895 ... P. 96.

137. Georgieva N.G. IN AND. Lenin on the place of students in the bourgeois-democratic revolution ... p. 90.

138. G.I. Shchetinina Students and the revolutionary movement in Russia. The last quarter of the 19th century ... p. 41.

139. Zavadsky N.G. Students and political parties in 1901-1914 ... p. 9.

140. Kolonitskiy B.I. The intelligentsia at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century: the self-awareness of contemporaries and research approaches ... P. 188.

141. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ... [According to: Izgoev A.S. About intelligent youth (Notes on her life and moods) // Vekhi. From the depth. M., 1991.].

142. Vydrin R. The main points of the student movement in Russia ... P. 42.

143. Ivanov A.E. Student corporation of Russia at the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century: the experience of cultural and political self-organization ... P. 286.

144. Sokolov K.B. Russian intelligentsia of the 18th - early 20th centuries: a picture of the world and everyday life ...

145. Stafeev S.G. The Russian intelligentsia and its role in the social movement (second half of the 19th century) ... P. 67 [Po: History of Russia in questions and answers. Rostov-on-Don, 1999. S. 303].

146. Svatikov S. Students before and now ... p. 15.

147. Chinenny A., Stoyan T. Students of Russian universities (XIX century) // Higher education in Russia. Scientific and pedagogical journal of the Ministry of General and Professional Education of the Russian Federation. 1999. No. 5. P. 141 [According to: Brockhaus F.A., Efron I.A. Encyclopedic Dictionary T. XXXIV. SPb., 1899. S. 754] (hereinafter: Chinenny A., Stoyan T. Students of Russian universities (XIX century) ...).

148. Ibid. P. 142 [S. 142 - Po: Higher education in Russia. Essay on history up to 1917 NII VO. M., 1995. S. 117].

149. Vydrin R. The main points of the student movement in Russia ... P. 11.

150. Higher education in Russia. An outline of the history before 1917. Ed. prof. V.G. Kineleva. M., 1995. S. 260 (hereinafter: Higher education in Russia. Essay on history until 1917. Edited by prof. VG Kinelev ...).

151. Ibid. P. 260.

152. Zmeev V.A. Russian students of the 18th century // Russian students at the turn of the century. Materials of the All-Russian Student Forum. Ed. Yu.V. Kovrizhinykh, G.V. Kupriyanova. Scientific editor T.E. Petrov. M., 2001.S. 5.

153. Ibid. P. 16.

154. Higher education in Russia. An outline of the history before 1917. Ed. prof. V.G. Kineleva ... p. 261.

155. Annenkov A.M. Russian students of the first third of the 19th century in the memoirs of contemporaries ... P. 107.

156. Ibid. P. 108.

157. Ibid. P. 109.

158. Ibid. P. 111.

159. Ibid. P. 112.

160. Makarova N.V. Students in the XIX century: everyday life and customs // Russian students: living conditions and everyday life (XVIII – XXI centuries). All-Russian Scientific Conference. Collections of scientific articles. M., 2004.S. 61 (hereinafter: Makarova N.V. Students in the 19th century: everyday life and customs ...).