Austria in the 20th century

First World War.

The news of the beginning of the war was greeted with enthusiasm. The danger of the offensive of the Russian army rallied the Austrians, even the Social Democrats supported the war. Official and unofficial propaganda inspired the will to win and to a large extent quenched inter-ethnic conflicts. The unity of the state was ensured by a tough military dictatorship, the dissatisfied were forced to submit. Only in the Czech Republic the war did not cause much enthusiasm. All the resources of the monarchy were mobilized to achieve victory, but the leadership acted extremely inefficiently.

Military failures at the beginning of the war undermined the spirit of the army and the population. Streams of refugees rushed from the war zones to Vienna and other cities. Many public buildings were converted into hospitals. Italy's entry into the war against the monarchy in May 1915 increased the fervor of war, especially among the Slovenes. When the territorial claims of Romania to Austria-Hungary were rejected, Bucharest went over to the side of the Entente.

It was at the very moment when the Romanian armies were retreating that the eighty-year-old Emperor Franz Joseph died. The new ruler, young Charles I, a man with limited abilities, removed the people on whom his predecessor relied. In 1917 Karl convened the Reichsrat. Representatives of national minorities demanded the reformation of the empire. Some sought autonomy for their peoples, others insisted on complete secession. Patriotic sentiments forced the Czechs to desert the army, and the Czech rebel Karel Kramař was sentenced to death on charges of high treason, but then pardoned. In July 1917 the emperor declared an amnesty for political prisoners. This gesture of reconciliation reduced his authority among the militant Austro-Germans: the monarch was reproached for being too soft.

Even before the accession of Charles to the throne, the Austrian Social Democrats were divided into supporters and opponents of the war. Pacifist leader Friedrich Adler, son of Viktor Adler, assassinated Austrian Prime Minister Count Karl Stürgk in October 1916. At the trial, Adler made a sharp criticism of the government. Sentenced to a long prison term, he was released after the revolution in November 1918.

End of the Habsburg dynasty.

A low grain harvest, a decrease in food supplies to Austria from Hungary, and a blockade by the Entente countries doomed ordinary Austrian city dwellers to hardships and hardships. In January 1918, the workers of the military factories went on strike and returned to work only after the government promised to improve their living and working conditions. In February, a riot broke out at the naval base in Kotor, in which the participants raised a red flag. The authorities brutally suppressed the riots and executed the instigators.

Separatist sentiments grew among the peoples of the empire. At the beginning of the war, patriotic committees of Czechoslovaks (led by Tomasz Masaryk), Poles and South Slavs were created abroad. These committees campaigned in the countries of the Entente and America for the national independence of their peoples, seeking support from official and private circles. In 1919, the Entente states and the USA recognized these emigrant groups as de facto governments. In October 1918, the national councils within Austria, one after another, declared the independence of the lands and territories. The promise of Emperor Charles to reform the Austrian constitution on the basis of the principles of federalism hastened the process of disintegration. In Vienna, Austro-German politicians set up a provisional government for German Austria, while the Social Democrats campaigned for a republic. Charles I abdicated on November 11, 1918. The next day, the Republic of Austria was proclaimed.

First Austrian Republic (1918–1938)

Under the terms of the Treaty of Saint-Germain (1919), the new Austrian state had a small territory and a German-speaking population. Areas with a German population in the Czech Republic and Moravia went to Czechoslovakia, and Austria was forbidden to unite with the newly created German (Weimar) Republic. Significant territories in South Tyrol, inhabited by the Germans, went to Italy. Austria received from Hungary the eastern land of Burgenland.

The Constitution of the Republic of Austria, adopted in 1920, provided for the introduction of the post of president with representative functions, a bicameral legislative body, the lower house of which was to be elected by the entire adult population of the country. The government, headed by the chancellor, was responsible to parliament. New Austria was actually a federation, the population of the city of Vienna and eight lands elected land assemblies (landtags), which enjoyed broad self-government rights.

Second Republic.

Freed from the Nazi yoke, the Austrians sought independence and the restoration of the original name of the country - Austria. With the permission of the occupying authorities, the Second Republic was created. Veteran Social Democracy Karl Renner was appointed chancellor of the provisional government to lead the process of restoring the democratic order. An experienced politician respected by all, Renner, as chancellor, and then president of the republic, contributed a lot to establishing order and stability in the country. In April 1945, he formed a provisional government, which included representatives of his own Socialist Party (the former Social Democratic Party), the People's Party (as the Christian Social Party became known) and the Communists. The constitutional system that existed before the dictatorship of Dollfuss was restored. The powers and legislative power of the new Austrian government were expanded step by step. Mandatory participation in elections was introduced, and refusal to vote could be punished by a fine or even imprisonment.

In the November 1945 elections, the Austrian People's Party (ANP) won 85 seats in parliament, the Socialist Party (SPA) 76, and the Communists 4 seats. Subsequently, this balance of power changed little, the communists lost all their seats in 1959. In 1949, a right-wing extremist group, the Union of Independents, was created (in 1955 it was transformed into the Austrian Freedom Party, APS).

Revival of the economy.

In 1945 the Austrian economy was in a state of chaos. The destruction and impoverishment caused by the war, the influx of refugees and displaced persons, the transition of military enterprises to the production of civilian products, shifts in world trade and the presence of borders between the zones of occupation of the Allies - all this created seemingly insurmountable obstacles to economic recovery. For three years, most of the inhabitants of the Austrian cities fought desperately for survival. The occupying authorities helped in organizing the supply of food. Thanks to a good harvest in 1948, food rationing was relaxed, and two years later, all food restrictions were lifted.

In the western zones of occupation, aid from the Marshall Plan and other programs produced quick results. The nationalization of the three largest Austrian banks and almost 70 industrial concerns (coal mining, steel, energy, engineering and river transport) in 1946-1947 gave significant economic advantages. Revenues from state-owned enterprises were directed to the further development of industry. The ANP proposed to allow elements of private ownership in the nationalized sector of the economy by selling part of the shares to small owners, while the socialists called for an expansion of the scope of state ownership.

The radical monetary reform stabilized and accelerated the recovery of the economy. Foreign tourists appeared, a vital source of government revenue. The railway stations destroyed during the bombings were rebuilt. In 1954, the volume of products produced by factories and mines exceeded the level of 1938, crops in the fields and vineyards, and logging almost returned to their previous level.

Revival of culture.

With the recovery of the economy, a revival of culture also began. Theaters, musical performances and the development of the arts in the city and province were now funded by the state, and not by wealthy patrons. In Vienna, the main efforts were focused on the restoration of the Cathedral of St. Stefan, and in 1955 the opera house and the Burgtheater were reopened. A second opera house, in Salzburg, opened in 1960.

Austrian schools of all levels, cleansed of the influence of the Nazis, resumed their activities. In addition to the universities in Vienna, Graz and Innsbruck, the University of Salzburg was founded in 1964. Newspapers, magazines, and books began to appear again.

State contract.

The occupying Allied troops were stationed on the territory of Austria for 10 years. In 1943, at a meeting in Moscow, leaders Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States announced their intention to recreate Austria as an independent, sovereign and democratic state. Until 1948, when Yugoslavia was expelled from the Soviet bloc, Moscow supported Yugoslavia's claims to the border part of Austrian territory. In March 1955, the Kremlin changed its position and invited the Austrian government to send a delegation to Moscow to determine the terms for the conclusion of the State Treaty, which was already signed on May 15, 1955 The State Treaty was signed in Vienna in an atmosphere of great rejoicing.

The state treaty restored the independence and full sovereignty of Austria. It entered into force on July 27, 1955, after which the Allied troops were withdrawn from the country. October 26, 1955, following the withdrawal of the last foreign military units, the government approved a federal constitutional law declaring the permanent neutrality of Austria and excluding the possibility of joining any military alliances or establishing foreign military bases in Austria.

Austria assumed heavy economic obligations. The most valuable "Nazi property" was the oil fields and refineries, whose output increased significantly under Soviet rule. Although under the terms of the treaty the equipment and facilities passed to Austria, it was obliged to send one million tons of oil to the Soviet Union annually until 1965. Austria also agreed to restore the pre-war positions of British and American firms that they held in the oil industry before the Nazis came. In addition, Austria was supposed to supply goods to the Soviet Union worth $150 million for six years.

Since armed forces were needed to maintain Austrian neutrality, an army was created with just over 20 thousand soldiers. In December 1955 Austria was admitted to the United Nations. Two years later, Vienna was chosen as the permanent seat of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

The economic growth.

At the time of the signing of the State Treaty, Austria was experiencing an economic boom. In 1954-1955, the gross national product - the monetary value of all goods and services produced - increased by almost 20%; Subsequently, the growth rate slowed down, but the general trend continued. In addition to the already developed hydropower resources, a number of new long-term projects have been developed with the attraction of financial resources from abroad. These projects made it possible to export electricity to neighboring countries. The electrification of railways and the improvement of the quality of roads, such as the magnificent Vienna-Salzburg autobahn, have accelerated communication between the regions of the republic.

Record exports and tourism kept Austria's balance of payments in balance. Financial obligations in favor of the USSR, in accordance with the 1955 agreement, turned out to be less burdensome than it seemed at first. The USSR gradually went to reduce the volume of payments. Austria sent the last batch of its reparations supplies in 1963.

Maintaining a neutral status for political reasons, Austria decided in 1960 to join the European Free Trade Association, and not its competitor, the Common Market. However, since more than half of all trade was with the countries of the Common Market, Austria became its associate member in 1973.

foreign policy issues.

When Soviet troops put down the Hungarian uprising in 1956, almost 170,000 refugees arrived in Austria from Hungary. Most of the Hungarian refugees actually found permanent residence here. The same situation followed after the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, when in 1968–1969 nearly 40,000 Czechs fled across the Austrian border and approx. 8 thousand of them found refuge in Austria.

Austria was constantly infiltrated by illegal immigrants from Yugoslavia. From time to time, the Yugoslav government protested against violations of the rights of the Slovene and Croatian minorities living in southern Austria.

South Tyrol problem.

This painful problem for Austria was the subject of a constant dispute with Italy. It was about people of Austrian nationality living in a small alpine region, which the Austrians called South Tyrol, and the Italians called Trentino Alto Adige. The roots of the problem go back to the 1915 agreement: in accordance with it, Italy was promised this region in exchange for its entry into the First World War on the side of the Entente and a declaration of war on Austria.

According to the Treaty of Saint-Germain, this territory with 250,000 German-speaking inhabitants was included in Italy. 78 thousand inhabitants left the region after 1938.

At the end of the war, the Austrians called for the inclusion of the territory of South Tyrol in the Second Republic. The victorious powers rejected this demand, although a special Italian-Austrian agreement of 1946 provided for the introduction of internal self-government in this territory. Austria stated that the German minority was being discriminated against. Demonstrations and riots broke out there from time to time. Italy responded by accusing Austria of supporting pan-German and Nazi elements. Terrorist attacks, which Italy claimed were staged on Austrian territory, continued in South Tyrol throughout the 1960s. At the end of 1969, Italy and Austria reached an agreement under which the region received the rights of extended autonomy, the influence of the Tyroleans on the national policy in the province increased, German received the appropriate status and was recognized German title territory - South Tyrol.

Coalition governments, 1945–1966.

The ANP and SPA formed a coalition cabinet after the 1945 elections. The brutal experience of the First Republic told both parties that compromise was the price to be paid for a democratic revival. The labor coalition collapsed after the 1966 elections, and the new government was formed exclusively from members of the ANP. The SPA, led by Bruno Kreisky, a former foreign minister, went into opposition.

During these years, the presidency was invariably occupied by socialists. The Burgomaster of Vienna, "Red" General Theodor Körner, was President of Austria from 1951-1957. He was replaced by the experienced manager Adolf Scherf (1957–1965). Another former burgomaster of the capital, Franz Jonas, held the presidency in 1965-1974, Rudolf Kirchschleger held this post for two six-year terms. The post of chancellor was held by members of the ANP: Julius Raab, a moderate supporter of the development of private enterprise, held it from 1953–1961, he was succeeded by Alfons Gorbach, who resigned in 1964. The next chancellor was Josef Klaus, who then headed the one-party ANP cabinet in 1966, until in 1970 did not give way to Bruno Kreisky. Ministerial and political posts during the coalition years were distributed between the two main parties.

Socialist government in the 1970s.

The 1970 elections gave the SPA a majority of the vote, and Kreisky formed the first purely socialist cabinet in Austrian history. The socialist government took a course, first of all, to create new jobs and allocate subsidies. GDP grew by an average of 4.3% annually, which was ahead of the pace of the most developed countries; inflation and unemployment levels were well below world levels. This policy caused a rapid increase in public debt, but Austria managed to avoid the consequences of high debt repayment costs through record export growth and large tourism receipts.

1980s.

The far right has reasserted itself on the political scene as a third force in Austrian politics. In 1983, the SPA received 48% of the vote in the federal election; APS gained 5%, and the SPA invited her to take part in the formation of the government.

In 1986, the ANP nominated Kurt Waldheim, who was Secretary General of the United Nations from 1972-1982, as a candidate for the presidency. The investigation revealed that in 1942-1945, as a lieutenant in the German army, he took part in Nazi atrocities in the Balkans, and then hid the facts about his past. In the November 1986 elections, the APS doubled its vote to 10%; The SPA and ANP together scored 84%, and Franz Vranitzky formed a "grand coalition" reminiscent of the coalition of 1945–1966.

The implementation of tax reform and partial denationalization gave impetus to the further development of the economy. This was facilitated by the increase in trade exchange with former communist countries after 1989.

1990s.

Despite the scandals that involved many prominent socialists, the SPA, which again took the name of the Social Democratic Party, received a relative majority in the 1990 elections. APS increased to 17%. The grand coalition led by Vranitsky continued its work. With the unification of Germany in 1990, Austria began to move away from the policy of neutrality, amending the State Treaty, which allowed for cooperation with the German armed forces. Austria was the only neutral state to allow Allied aircraft to fly over its territory during the Gulf War. She officially approved the decision to divide Yugoslavia and was one of the first to recognize the new states - Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe, Austria faced increasing immigration from the region and introduced entry restrictions for foreign workers in 1990, affecting primarily Romanian immigrants. Fearing a new wave of immigration from the former Soviet Union and spurred on by agitation from APS leader Jörg Haider, the government tightened asylum laws in 1993. The new policy was criticized by international human rights organizations and Austrian liberals.

In 1992, the long-standing dispute over the autonomy of the German-speaking population in South Tyrol was resolved. The governments of Austria and Italy adopted and put into effect a package of measures to ensure autonomy.

Waldheim, who found himself in international isolation, was persuaded to refuse re-election after the expiration of his term in 1992. In the subsequent elections, Thomas Klestil (ANP), supported by the APS, scored 57% of the vote, defeating the Social Democratic candidate Rudolf Streicher.

The unification of Germany, the growth of emigration from the countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe and propaganda by right-wing extremists supported by APS leader Haider contributed to the intensification of xenophobia. In late 1993, neo-Nazis mailed bombs to politicians and others. outstanding personalities who participated in the "controversy about foreigners". Helmut Zilk, the popular burgomaster of Vienna, was seriously wounded in the process. The violence came to a head when five people, including four Roma, were killed in a bomb explosion. Left-wing extremists responded with a series of attacks on right-wing leaders in early 1995.

In June 1994, in a popular referendum, two-thirds of voters voted for the country's accession to the EU, despite opposition from Haider and the Greens. January 1, 1995 Austria, along with Finland and Sweden, became a member of the EU.

In the 1994 parliamentary elections, the polarization of political forces acquired an open character. It marked a radical change in the politics of post-war Austria. The APS received 22.5% of the votes, the ANP - only 27.7% of the votes, having practically lost their traditional positions as the country's second largest party. Together, SPA and ANP received only 62.6% of the vote. The number of votes cast for the Greens has more than doubled since 1990: they collected 7.3%. New political party, the Liberal Forum (LF), which broke away from the APS, was supported by 5.5% of voters.

The SPA and the ANP formed a new coalition after the 1994 elections, but their union broke up almost immediately due to disagreements over economic policy. Both parties disagreed on how to achieve a reduction in the state budget deficit and meet the criteria necessary for Austria's entry into the European Economic and Monetary Union. The ANP called for a sharp reduction in spending on social needs, while the SPA proposed raising taxes. Disagreements eventually led to the collapse of the coalition, and in December 1995 a new general election was held. Their results again showed that the population supports the leading historical parties: the SPA and the ANP achieved best results than in 1994, while the positions of the APS, renamed by Haider in 1995 into the Svobodniki party, have somewhat weakened.

In early 1996, a new coalition government of the SPA and ANP was formed. Both parties agreed to adopt an austerity plan that calls for cuts in social spending and further privatization of state-owned enterprises. The mid-term elections reflected growing discontent among the population: the anti-EU Freemen won the 1996 elections to the European Parliament and to the city parliament of Vienna.

In January 1997, Chancellor Vranitzky abruptly resigned, citing age and fatigue after an 11-year tenure as head of government. Finance Minister Viktor Klima became the new federal chancellor and chairman of the SPA party.

In the parliamentary elections in October 1999, the SPA won by a small margin from its rivals. The Svobodniki and the NPA received approximately an equal number of votes.

Bibliography

For the preparation of this work, materials from the site http://www.europa.km.ru/

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The first half of the 20th century is one of the most difficult and dramatic periods in the history of Austria. The socio-political development of the country, which, like the rest of Europe, survived the horrors of two world wars, was marked by social upheavals, exacerbation of class and national contradictions. The first decades of the 20th century brought with them the fall of the Habsburg monarchy. Austria-Hungary, a violent conglomeration of nations united on a shaky alliance between the Austrian monarchist bureaucracy and the Hungarian landed aristocracy, did not survive the defeat in the First World War. Devastation and inflation led to a political crisis: in October-November 1918, a revolution broke out in the country, which resulted in the collapse of the empire and the formation of the democratic states of Austria, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia on its territory 1 . On November 12, 1918, Austria was proclaimed a republic.

AT post-war years the country is going through a period of stabilization of socio-economic development. However, already at the end of the 1920s, in Austria, as well as in Germany, which was related to it in terms of political and cultural fate, tendencies were growing that testified to the fascisization of the socio-political system. In 1933, the parliament, the social democratic organization Schutzbund and trade unions were dissolved, freedom of the press and assembly was abolished, communist party. In February 1934, an armed uprising of workers who resisted the fascist detachments, which smashed the Social Democratic and trade union organizations, was brutally suppressed.

The history of the First Austrian Republic ended with the loss of state independence. On the night of March 11-12, 1938, Nazi Germany sent its troops into the country and

1 Part of the former territory of Austria-Hungary went to Italy, Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia.

annexed it. The political revival of Austria as an independent state took place only after the defeat of Nazi Germany.

At the beginning of the 19th century, the possessions of the Habsburg dynasty were a motley conglomerate of various lands - actually Austrian, Czech, Hungarian, Italian. Austria at that time was an active member of the anti-Napoleonic coalition. During the wars with France, she suffered a series of crushing defeats and lost her influence in Germany. In connection with the creation of the Confederation of the Rhine by Napoleon in 1806, Emperor Franz II was forced to declare the abolition of the Holy Roman Empire. Two years earlier, on August 10, 1804, he took the title "Emperor of Austria" - Franz I.

The possessions of the Habsburgs finally received a single name - the Austrian Empire. After all the shocks and losses associated with the period Napoleonic Wars, Austria became in 1815 as a result of the decisions of the Congress of Vienna one of the leading great powers of Europe. She played a major role in the German Confederation created on the ruins of the Holy Roman Empire, she owned the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom in Italy, and other Italian states were in the sphere of influence of the Habsburgs.

The system of government that developed after 1815 in Austria is often called the "Metternichian" one, after the name of Chancellor K. W. Metternich. This system was based on the idea of ​​order and stability. The alternative to order, Metternich believed, could only be revolution, leading to chaos and terror. He saw the main task of his policy in preventing a revolution. Metternich was aware of the danger of the collapse of a multinational heterogeneous empire. Fearing the development of national and liberal movements, he rejected the idea of ​​introducing a constitution and creating a parliament in the country. By strengthening police control, the ruling circles of the empire hoped to avoid revolutionary upheavals. However, under the influence of the European revolutions of 1830, the liberal movement revived in Austria, the opposition increasingly opposed the political system as a whole. In connection with the acceleration of industrialization, social problems also escalated. From the beginning of the century, an industrial revolution unfolded in the country, the class society of the “old order” was transformed into a bourgeois one: the working class and the bourgeoisie were formed. Moreover, in various lands of the empire, the formation of a national bourgeoisie began, whose interests often came into conflict with the interests of the Austro-German bourgeoisie, which was in a privileged position. After 1830, social and political tensions increased in the country, the politicization of society accelerated, more and more broad circles of the population were involved in politics, various political trends were formed, which loudly declared themselves in 1848.

Revolution of 1848-1849 in the Austrian Empire she overthrew the hated Metternich regime, but she did not solve all the problems facing the country. The ruling circles of the empire managed to consolidate their forces and go on the offensive. The revolution was suppressed, and a new emperor, Franz Joseph I, became the head of the empire and restored absolutism. At the same time, the revolution put on the agenda the need for a certain modernization of the state.

The policy of neo-absolutism (1851-1859) was aimed at creating a strong centralized state with common finances, a unified customs system and a military organization. In carrying out this policy, the government relied on the army, bureaucracy and the Catholic Church. However, the desire for centralization and Germanization of the vast empire ran into resistance from the growing national movements. This policy was especially strongly protested in Hungary.

Highlighting its internal problems, primarily the national question and the problem of the state system. The empire was a conglomeration of states, united only by the person of the monarch and the Habsburg dynasty, but not having between them economic ties. During the revolution, attempts were made to modernize the existing system on the basis of the principles of equality of nations and constitutionalism.

This was expressed in the activities of the constitutional assembly that operated in Moravia and proposed its own version of the constitution. Similar claims were made by the Hungarians, but the Austrian elite held on to their power and refused to make serious concessions. The uprisings that broke out in various parts of the empire were not interconnected and were easily suppressed. In addition, the national liberation movements had serious contradictions among themselves.

As a result of these events, Austria received significant political experience - it was the first movement in the history of Austria for constitutional freedoms and liberal principles.

Franz Joseph was not initially considered as a candidate for the throne, he received a military education, as a result of which he was ascetic, prone to discipline, adhered to conservative views, he called himself "the last monarch of the old school." The emperor did not like technical innovations, refused to use a car, telephone, electricity. In the early years, Franz Joseph ruled with the help of a well-organized apparatus of officials Metternich and Austrian Minister-President Schwarzenberg.

In 1849, the constitutional assembly was dissolved, the norms of the constitution were rejected by the emperor, and in 1850 a new constitution was adopted: the empire was proclaimed a unitary state, the emperor was endowed with absolute power, it was supposed to create a bicameral representative body and a legislative advisory council under the emperor. But the operation of the constitution began only after the lifting of the state of emergency on the territory of Austria, and as a result, the constitution never acted. By this the consequences of the revolution were overcome, but the national question was not resolved.

The Austrian Empire did not have a key ethnic group that could unite all the peoples of the empire. Hungary remained the main focus of discontent, despite the fact that the main leaders of Hungary were repressed, but some of the nationalists, including Kossuth, managed to escape. After the suppression of the uprising, Hungary found itself in the position of an occupied country - it was deprived of self-government, all privileges, Austrian troops were in the country, and Hungary was under martial law for 3 years. Fermentation continued in the Czech Republic, German lands, in Italy, the power of the emperor rested only on the bayonets of Radetzky's army. In fact, the emperor had no social support. The liberal and the conservatives continued to be ethnically disparate groupings. The emperor could only rely on the army, the bureaucracy and the church.


The Hungarian army was also multinational, but had a one-man command and a German command language. The officers in the army consisted of lowly nobles and the bourgeoisie, who valued their status and shared the ideas of Franz Joseph. The same applied to the bureaucratic apparatus, which embodied the idea of ​​the integrity of the state. The church became the main pillar of the monarchy, in 1855 a new concordat was concluded with the Vatican, after which Austria became the most clerical state in Europe.

Foreign policy became the main direction of the external government of Austria in the first post-revolutionary decade, becoming a brake on the unification of Germany and Italy. In 1848, rivalry with Prussia began, which intensified after 1850. Austria opposed Prussia and was able to revive the German Confederation with Russian support, but this only delayed the problem. The key event that changed the position of Austria was the Crimean War, which became a diplomatic defeat for Austria.

Austria made a mistake by putting pressure on Russia on the Turkish issue, which led to a break in the alliance between Russia and Austria, after which it turned out that Austria had lost its only ally. As early as 1859, Austria was involved in a war with France and Italy, in which it lost Lombardy. In 1862, Bismarck became Chancellor of Germany, the war of 1866 led to the complete loss of Austria's positions in the German lands, and the Venetian region in Italy was lost. The prestige of Austria and the Emperor Bl was seriously damaged. But Vienna took off the task of maintaining power in Germany and Italy and focused on domestic problems.

Already during the war with France, Hungarian nationalism re-emerged. It came to the desecration of state symbols. The empire was on the verge of a new uprising, which forced Vienna to make certain concessions. In 1860, the emperor begins a dialogue with the liberals and develops an "October diploma" - a new constitution. It confirmed the unity of the empire, and approved the Reichsrat - the imperial council under the emperor, which included 100 people. Hungary returned self-government and language.

But the concessions did not suit anyone - neither liberals, nor conservatives, nor nationalists. Therefore, already in February 1861, it was supplemented by the “February patent”, which introduced an all-imperial bicameral parliament with legislative power, the powers of the Landtags were reduced in favor of the Reichsrat. This reform was approved by the main political forces, but did not suit the Hungarians and Slavs, who refused to participate in the elections. In 1862 the Reichsrath was formed and set to work. Already in the first year, censorship was weakened, a number of liberal laws were adopted.

By this time, representatives of the moderate course Deak and Andrássy, who strove for dialogue, came to the fore among the nationalists. The main demand of all Hungarians was the restoration of the Constitution of 1848, the sovereignty of Hungary while maintaining the dynastic union. In 1865, secret negotiations began, Ferenc Deak agreed to abandon part of the requirements, including the requirement of the Constitution of 1848, and as a result, a compromise was reached.

At the negotiations after the war of 1866, Hungary was already represented by Gyula Andrássy. On March 15, 1867, the official Austro-Hungarian agreement was concluded, which transformed the entire structure of the state - Austria-Hungary was formed. The all-united unitary state, the empire was divided into two equal parts Cisleitania (Austria) and Transleitania (Hungary), connected only by a common monarch. Legislative and executive power was divided into two parts, completely independent of each other.

They were connected only by the head - the emperor and the council, which coordinated the budget. 70% of the costs were to be covered by Austria, 30% - by Hungary, and this ratio was revised every 10 years. In Austria, the "December Constitution" was adopted in 1867, which consisted of several constitutional laws. The Reichsrat consisted of the House of Lords - 178 people: 3 archdukes, 53 hereditary members, 10 archbishops, 7 bishops, 105 members appointed by the emperor and the Chambers of Deputies - 353 deputies elected by the Landtags, and since 1873 by the Curia. Hungary had a similar Chamber of Magnates with 403 members and a Chamber of Deputies with 444 members elected by open vote.

Geographically, Austria was divided into 17 "crown lands": the kingdoms of Bohemia Dalmatia, Galicia and Lodomeria, the archduchy of Upper and Lower Austria,

Hungary was divided into Hungary proper and the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia.

Germans made up 24% of the population, Hungarians - 17%., Czechs and Slovaks made up 16%, in addition, Poles, Rusyns, Serbs, Romanians lived in the empire.

The Germans lived mainly in the north and north-west of the country, the Hungarians - in Hungary itself, the Slavs lived in places of compact residence.

The majority of the population - 76% were Catholics, 9% were Protestants, the same number were Orthodox. In Bosnia, the majority were Orthodox and Muslims.

In agriculture, 52% were employed in Austria, 68% in Hungary, and 20% and 14%, respectively, in industry. This predetermined the conservative nature of the country's society.

The major cities were Vienna, Budapest, created in 1873 after the merger of Buda, Pest and Obuda, and Prague. This was followed by Lvov, Trieste, Krakow, Graz, Brno and Szeged - the capitals of the regions.

The main feature of economic development is territorial specialization. The most industrialized were Bohemia, Moravia and Austria. Hungary remained an agricultural appendage of the country. In the Czech Republic, 80% of coal was mined, 80% of all industrial enterprises were located there. The Czech Republic became one of the main regions where social development took place.

The machine-building company "Skoda" developed, engaged in the production of metal products, weapons, steam locomotives, cars, turbines; "Tatra", enterprises of the coal and chemical industries. In Vienna, electrical equipment was produced, there was mechanical engineering. But in Austria there was not a large share of large-scale production, 94% of all enterprises were small. Austria, however, remained an agrarian country. Hungary had a powerful food industry. At the turn of the century, foreign investment from Germany and France began to penetrate the empire, and by 1913 35% of all capitols were investment, 60% of investment was from Germany, gradually gaining control of Austrian industry.

France has invested heavily in railways, Vienna became the most important transport hub in Europe, which was also facilitated by control over the Danube for almost its entire length. The unity of the empire was just supported by economic specialization, internal customs barriers prevented the creation of a single economic space. Austria-Hungary was heavily dependent on Germany. Austria-Hungary continued to be a backward power, it gave 3% of world trade, 6% of industrial production in Europe.

The domestic political situation in Luxembourg was more stable. However, against the backdrop of the events of the 60-70s, the socio-political circles of this country also took a principled position and condemned the escalation of tension in international relations and the crisis trends in the economy, ecology, and the social sphere. In 1979, the Roman Catholic bishops of Luxembourg and the dioceses of Metz (France) and Trevir (Germany), which bordered on it, issued a joint statement, which, in particular, said: “Man has ceased to control the economy, she controls him. The most significant problems arising from the current crisis concern all people and their consciences. It's about about the future of man, about the future of society.

Austria and Switzerland in the second half of the 20th century. No less prominent role in the post-war history of Europe was played by other "small countries" - Austria, Switzerland. Relatively little suffered during the war years, these countries quickly restored the pace of economic development. The internal political situation also remained stable. In Austria, a party of political Catholicism was recreated, called the Austrian People's Party. Abandoning the continuity with the KhSP associated with the Austrofascist regime, the ANP retained its orientation towards the ideas of solidarity, patriotism and Christian values. Nevertheless, the socialist party became the leading political force in post-war Austria. In 1945, its well-known leader, Karl Renner, was elected president of the republic. The SPA moved to the positions of classical social democracy, no longer trying to return to the revolutionary principles of Austro-Marxism. The policy of the SPA, aimed at creating a system of "social partnership" in production, an effective model of state regulation of the economy, a developed social security system, turned out to be quite effective, and Austria survived the severe crises of the 70s-80s less painfully than many Western countries. .

The development of the tourism industry, a stable banking system, a stable position in the international labor market ensured economic prosperity and social peace in the post-war years in Switzerland. Features of the constitutional structure of Switzerland predetermined the great importance of local governments, cantonal institutions and, accordingly, a significant degree of decentralization of the political life of the country. During the entire post-war period, there was a coalition of four leading parties at the governmental level: Christian Democratic, Social Democratic, Radical Democratic, and the Party of Peasants and Craftsmen. This situation not only predetermined the absence of serious opposition in the country, but also ensured the necessary continuity of the domestic and foreign policy. Combined with the ongoing practice of national and cantonal referendums, the state mechanism that has developed in Switzerland has become one of the most remarkable examples of constitutional creativity in the 20th century.

Faced with the aggravation of the international situation in the conditions of " cold war» The government circles of Switzerland and Austria tried, unlike the Benelux countries, to maintain principled neutrality. For example, Switzerland did not even become a member of the UN. They also distanced themselves from the formation of Western European integration structures. The reason was the fear of external political influence within the EEC. As an alternative to the Common Market, in 1960 the European Free Trade Association was created, which, along with Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, and Finland, included Austria, Switzerland, and Liechtenstein. Unlike the EEC, EFTA was a purely economic organization without any influential supranational institutions.

"Small countries" of Europe modern system international relations. Traditions of neutrality, a constructive position on the most acute problems of the development of the world community have allowed the "small countries" of Europe to take a prominent place in the modern system of international relations. Already in the second half of the 1970s and 1980s, the Benelux countries actively joined the Helsinki process in Europe and supported Soviet-American initiatives for disarmament and strengthening international security. Since the mid-1980s, Benelux has been one of the "locomotives" of the new stage of European integration. Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg actively supported the signing of the Maastricht Treaty. It is symbolic that one of the key figures in the life of the Community in the coming years was the former Prime Minister of Luxembourg, Jacques Santer, who in 1995 replaced the representative of France, Jacques Delors, as chairman of the European Commission. Santer's key idea is the transition from putting forward grandiose projects to fulfilling the promises made earlier, restoring the trust of voters, consistent implementation of the collegial principle in the activities of the EEC bodies, and strengthening influence in the Community of "small countries" of united Europe.

Since the end of the 1980s, Austria and Switzerland have also begun to show greater interest in the problems of European integration. Their participation in the activities of the Council of Europe and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development has intensified. The 1991 agreement between the EEC and EFTA on the creation of the European Economic Area paved the way for close cooperation between the countries of both organizations. And if the referendum on Switzerland's entry into the European economic space brought a negative result, then in January 1995, Austria, together with Finland and Sweden, became a full member of the European Community. During these years, Switzerland demonstrated its readiness to participate rather in programs to strengthen international security, striving to maintain its neutral status. In 1986, the population of this country again voted against joining the UN. The desire to keep intact its own constitutional mechanism makes Swiss government circles wary of even international cooperation in the humanitarian and legal spheres. Only after the most difficult discussions in 1992 did Parliament ratify the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Human Rights. But the European Convention for the Protection of the Rights of National Minorities, signed by the government in 1994, has not been ratified by the parliament.

Questions and tasks

1. What are the features of the internal political situation that has developed in the "small countries" of Europe after the Second World War?

2. Prepare a presentation "Problems of development of the Benelux countries at the present stage."

3. What role do Austria and Switzerland play in the modern system of international relations?

Chapter 4. COUNTRIES OF NORTHERN, EASTERN AND SOUTHERN EUROPE

§ 1. Scandinavian countries

Scandinavian countries after World War II. World War II caused relatively little damage to the countries of the Scandinavian region. The exception was Norway, which lost a third of its national wealth and more than 10 thousand people. killed. Politically, Northern Europe also remained a bastion of stability. The pre-war political and legal system almost did not change. In Finland and Iceland, a republican system was established. Sweden, Denmark and Norway still retained monarchies. Haakon VII of Norway and Christian X of Denmark enjoyed great personal authority after the events of World War II. However, the last period of their rule coincided with a further decline in political functions. Under their successors Ulaf V and Margarita II, as well as with the accession to the Swedish throne of Gustav VI, the Scandinavian monarchies were finally limited to purely representative functions (while maintaining, however, the invariably high moral authority of the ruling dynasties and their significant role in public life).

The party system of the Scandinavian countries has undergone minimal changes compared to the pre-war period. The most radical nationalist movements were defeated and left the political arena. The leading parties - the Social Democratic and People's Parties in Sweden, the Social Democratic and Venstres in Denmark, the Norwegian Workers' Party - further strengthened their positions. In Finland important role, along with the Social Democratic Party and the Agrarian Union, began to play the Democratic Union of the People of Finland, formed in 1944, representing the left side of the political spectrum. A similar party structure was formed in Iceland, which achieved independence in 1944. A distinctive feature of the political life of the post-war

Scandinavia was not only the preservation of the former influence of the social democratic and agrarian parties, but also a clear convergence of the program guidelines of all leading political forces and, as a result, the continuity of state policy, the stable stability of the socio-political situation.

Socio-economic development. "Swedish model". During the post-war decades, the Scandinavian countries have significantly leveled off in terms of economic development. An impressive breakthrough was made during this period by Norway, where in the 1950s and 1960s massive investments were made in hydropower, shipbuilding, fish canning and the electrometallurgical industry. As a result, by the 1970s, Norway had taken third place in Europe in terms of gross national income per capita (after Switzerland and Sweden). According to the same indicator, Iceland, which had been lagging behind before, suddenly entered the ranks of the most developed countries of the world (which, however, is quite understandable given the low population density). And yet, these successes of “catching up development” remained in the shadow of the “Swedish economic model”, which has become a symbol not only of the specifics of the socio-economic development of the entire Scandinavian region, but also of almost a special path community development in the bosom of Western civilization. The specific features of the social reformist model of the MMC began to take shape in Sweden as early as the 1920s and 1930s. They turned out to be extremely consonant with the strategy of the "welfare state", which involved the creation of a mechanism for the redistribution of public goods to reduce the social polarization of society. At the same time, due to tax revenues, social government programs in the field of education, health care, housing construction, the fight against unemployment. However, under the conditions of the “Swedish model”, such actions of the state turned out to be so significant and large-scale that they acquired the quality of some kind of “capitalist socialism”.

Government spending, provided primarily by the tax system, reached in Sweden an unprecedented level for the West - up to 70% of the gross national product. These colossal funds made it possible to form a social security system covering the entire population of the country. At the same time, social benefits covered all segments of the population, regardless of class and income level. All Swedes have equal access to pensions (paid from age 66). There are separate social support programs for youth, women, and the elderly. Most of social benefits apply not only to Swedish citizens, but also to people from other countries who legally settled in Sweden. In general, the needs of the Ministry of Health and Social Security in the 50-70s accounted for more than a quarter of the state budget, the Ministry of Education - almost a seventh, while the Ministry of Defense - a twelfth.

Important integral part The "Swedish model" was the so-called solidarity policy in the field of labor relations. The state achieves such conditions when in any sector of production the worker receives the same wage for the same work, and, accordingly, the competitiveness of enterprises is not increased due to the conditions of exploitation of workers. The tax system is built in such a way that, after paying all taxes, the difference between the final incomes of different categories of the population does not exceed a ratio of 1: 2. In Sweden, almost full employment was achieved. Moreover, the priority direction for state policy has become not material assistance to those who have lost their jobs, but ensuring the right to education, financial support for various categories of students, creating a system for advanced training and retraining of personnel (if in the developed countries of the West up to 70% of the corresponding allocations go to unemployment benefits, then in Sweden only 30%, while the rest of the investment is focused on the system of retraining of professional personnel). Finally, the regulation of labor conflicts plays an important role. Mass strikes, as well as mass layoffs, are possible only during the period of renegotiation of collective employment contracts and take place with prior notice. Thus, the interests of production practically do not suffer from the struggle of hired workers and employers for more favorable working conditions.

In the 1960s and 1970s, the experience of Sweden and other countries in the region was carefully studied by economists and politicians around the world. The Scandinavian model has become one of the images for modeling the "third way" of the development of capitalism. However, it did not become a panacea for all the problems of Western civilization. Moreover, in the 1980s, the Scandinavian countries had to face an increasing crisis in the socio-economic sphere, a decline in production, and a slowdown in the growth of living standards. The "equalizing policy", which leads to the weakening of "incentives to work intensively and save," has come under increasing criticism. The ideology of the "Swedish model" began to lose the competition with the neo-conservative strategy that became widespread in the West in the 80s. And although it is extremely difficult for the majority of the inhabitants of the Scandinavian countries to give up the former feeling of stability and security, the need to adjust the long-term policy, taking into account the experience of the development of the leading countries of the world, has become obvious.

Scandinavian countries in the modern system of international relations. A similar evolution can be traced in the history of the post-war foreign policy Scandinavian countries. Initially, the traditions of the policy of neutrality, attempts to maintain constructive relations with the opposing sides in the conditions of the Cold War, to find their own place in the system of international relations, were of decisive importance. For Sweden and Finland, this strategy has become the basis of their foreign policy doctrine. Moreover, Finland, seeking to maintain its neutral status, even preferred to refuse investment assistance under the American Marshall Plan. Officially announced the policy of "freedom from unions" and Sweden. Denmark, Norway, Iceland, on the contrary, preferred in the 1940s to identify with the position of the leading Western countries, took part in the Marshall Plan and joined NATO. However, subsequently, membership in the Atlantic Alliance was limited only to issues of national security and did not actually affect the domestic political life of these countries, which did not survive bouts of anti-communist hysteria and « witch hunts." Norway and Denmark have repeatedly resorted to open diplomatic demarches, protesting against the toughest US actions on the world stage.

The desire to limit external influence and dependence on the conjuncture of world politics predetermined the duality of the attitude of the Scandinavian countries to integration processes. Almost all of them welcomed the development of international relations in the legal and humanitarian spheres, security issues, and direct economic cooperation. The Scandinavian countries have become active members of the Council of Europe and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. They made an extremely large contribution to the organization of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The first meeting of the CSCE took place in 1975 in Helsinki. However, the plans for Western European integration, which initially implied the active construction of supranational political structures, caused a negative reaction from the Scandinavian countries. As an alternative, back in 1952, the Nordic Council was created - a consultative regional organization that united Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Finland. The Northern Council extended its activities to the spheres of economy, culture, social policy, communications, and law. Together with Great Britain, many Scandinavian countries also took part in the formation of another organization alternative to the European Community - the European Free Trade Association.

Against the backdrop of deepening economic problems in the 70s, the strategy of Scandinavian diplomacy in integration issues began to change. In 1972, after a heated debate, Denmark joined the EEC along with Great Britain and Ireland. At the same time, Norway also received an invitation, but the referendum brought victory to the opponents of integration. Twenty-three years later, Norway, Finland and Sweden decided to join the European Union, but Norwegian voters again voted against such a decision. Sweden and Finland from January 1, 1995 became full members of the EEC, although in these countries, integration into the "United Europe" causes an ambiguous reaction. Disappointment in the universality of the "Swedish model", the understanding of the impossibility of development in a break from world processes, the hope for new sources of growth and prosperity make the "European policy" attractive for the countries of the Scandinavian region. On the other side of the scale are fears of losing political independence, of being in the shadow of "European giants", of losing the benefits of a protectionist economic policy. The complexity of the choice predetermined not only the hesitation of the new members of the EEC, but also the rigidity of the position of Danish diplomacy on the issues of deepening integration (suffice it to recall the negative result of the first referendum in Denmark on the approval of the Maastricht Treaty). Finding their place in the rapidly changing system of world politics, the optimal combination of traditionalism and originality with openness to cultural and political dialogue, broad economic cooperation is the most important task of the Scandinavian countries on the eve of the third millennium.

Questions and tasks

1. How do you understand the term "Swedish model"?

2. Prepare a report on the topic "Problems of development of the Scandinavian countries at the present stage."

§ 2. Eastern Europe

Eastern European countries after the Second World War. Participation in the Second World War brought enormous hardships and sacrifices to the peoples of Eastern Europe. This region was the main theater of military operations on the European continent. The Eastern European countries have become hostages of the policy of the great powers, turning into disenfranchised satellites of opposing blocs or objects of open aggression. Their economy was seriously undermined. The political situation was also extremely difficult. The collapse of pro-fascist authoritarian regimes, the broad participation of the population in the resistance movement created the prerequisites for profound changes in the entire state-political system. However, in reality, the politicization of the masses and their readiness for democratic transformations was superficial. The authoritarian political psychology was not only preserved, but even strengthened during the war years. For mass consciousness as before, there was a desire to see in the state a guarantor of social stability and a force capable of solving the tasks facing society in the shortest possible time with a "firm hand".

The defeat of National Socialism in the global war of social systems brought other implacable opponents face to face - communism and democracy. Supporters of these war-winning ideas gained predominance in the new political elite of the Eastern European countries, but this promised a new round of ideological confrontation in the future. The situation was also complicated by the increased influence of the national idea, the existence of nationalist-oriented trends even in the democratic and communist camps. The idea of ​​agrarianism, revived in these years, and the activities of the still influential and numerous peasant parties also received a national coloring.

Transformations of the People's Democracy Period. The heterogeneity of the party spectrum and the high intensity of the ideological struggle initially did not lead to a tough confrontation between the political forces that prevailed in post-war Eastern Europe. Already in the last months of the war, in the vast majority of Eastern European countries, the process of consolidating all the former opposition parties and movements, the formation of broad multi-party coalitions, called national or domestic fronts, began. As their countries were liberated, these coalitions assumed full state power. This happened at the end of 1944 in Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, in 1945 - in Czechoslovakia and Poland. The only exceptions were the Baltic countries, which remained part of the USSR and underwent complete Sovietization during the war years, and Yugoslavia, where the pro-communist People's Liberation Front retained complete predominance.

The reason for such an unexpected at first glance unity of completely heterogeneous political forces was the unity of their tasks at the first stage of post-war transformations. It was quite obvious to communists and agrarians, nationalists and democrats that the most pressing problems were the formation of the foundations of a new constitutional order, the elimination of authoritarian governance structures associated with the previous regimes, and the holding of free elections. In all countries, the monarchy system was abolished (only in Romania did this happen later, after the establishment of the monopoly power of the communists). In Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, the first wave of reforms also concerned the solution of the national question, the formation of federal statehood. The top priority was also the restoration of the destroyed economy, the establishment of material support for the population, the solution of urgent social problems. The nature of the ongoing transformations made it possible to characterize the entire stage of 1945-1946. as a period of "people's democracy".

The first signs of a split in the ruling anti-fascist blocs appeared in 1946. The peasant parties, the most numerous and influential at that time (their representatives even headed the first governments in Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary) did not consider it necessary to accelerate modernization, the priority development of industry. They also opposed the expansion of state regulation of the economy. The main task of these parties, which was generally accomplished already at the first stage of the reforms, was the destruction of the latifundia and the implementation of an agrarian reform in the interests of the middle peasantry.

Democratic parties, communists and social democrats, despite political differences, were united in focusing on the “catch-up development” model, striving to ensure a breakthrough in their countries in industrial development, to approach the level of the leading countries of the world. Not having a large advantage individually, all together they made up a powerful force, pushing their opponents out of power. Changes in the higher echelons of power led to the start of large-scale reforms to nationalize large industry and the banking system, wholesale trade, and introduce state control over production and planning elements. However, if the communists considered these transformations as the first stage of socialist construction, then the democratic forces saw them only as a process of strengthening state regulation of the market economy. A new round of political struggle was inevitable, and its outcome depended not only on the alignment of internal political forces, but also on events on the world stage.

Eastern Europe and the Beginning of the Cold War. After their liberation, the Eastern European countries found themselves at the forefront of world politics. The United States and its allies have taken the most active actions to strengthen their positions in the region. However, since the last months of the war, the decisive influence here belonged to the USSR. It was based both on the direct Soviet military presence and on the great moral authority of the USSR as a liberating power. Realizing their advantage, the Soviet leadership for a long time did not force the development of events and emphasized respect for the idea of ​​the sovereignty of the Eastern European countries.

The situation changed radically by mid-1947. The proclamation of the Truman Doctrine, which announced the beginning of crusade against communism, marked the beginning of the open struggle of the superpowers for geopolitical influence anywhere in the world. The Eastern European countries felt the change in the nature of the international situation already in the summer of 1947. Official Moscow not only refused investment assistance under the American Marshall Plan, but also harshly condemned the possibility of any of the Eastern European countries participating in this project. The USSR offered generous compensation in the form of preferential supplies of raw materials and food. The scale of technical and technological assistance to the countries of the region expanded rapidly. But the main task of Soviet policy - the eradication of the very possibility of a geopolitical reorientation of Eastern Europe - could only be ensured by the monopoly power in these countries of the communist parties.

Formation of the socialist camp. The formation of communist regimes in the countries of Eastern Europe followed a similar scenario. As early as the end of 1946, the formation of left-wing blocs began with the participation of communists, social democrats and their allies. These coalitions proclaimed their goal a peaceful transition to socialist revolution and, as a rule, gained an advantage in democratic elections (the word "socialism" at that time did not at all mean following its Soviet model). In 1947, the new governments, using the already open support of the Soviet military administration and relying on the state security agencies, created under the control of the Soviet secret services on the basis of communist cadres, provoked a series of political conflicts that led to the defeat of the peasant and bourgeois-democratic parties. Political trials took place over the leaders of the Hungarian Party of Smallholders Z. Tildi, the Polish People's Party S. Mikolajczyk, the Bulgarian Agricultural People's Union N. Petkov, the Romanian Caranist Party A. Alexandrescu, the Slovak President Tiso and the leadership of the Slovak Democratic Party who supported him. The logical continuation of the defeat of the democratic opposition was the organizational merger of the communist and social democratic parties, followed by the discrediting and, subsequently, the destruction of the leaders of the social democracy. As a result, by 1948-1949. practically in all countries of Eastern Europe the course towards building the foundations of socialism was officially proclaimed.

New storyforeigncountries in world historiography" are as follows: 1. Consider ...


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